As the Ripples of Domestic Espionage Spread

So the other morning, well before sunrise, I’m lying there in bed wide awake and trying not to think of anything that will keep me awake.  No, that didn’t work out real well.

I am of course a lawyer.  In fact I am a country lawyer.  My clients are area pepole and businesses, their families, and so forth.  Not exactly the book of business that a large city firm is going to bring me in as a partner to acquire, as I think I’ve finally got the wife to understand after almost 20 years of this.  But my clients like anyone else are tremendously keen on their own privacy, and are entitled to be that solicitous of it.

Back in the late-middle 1990s, there was a formal ethics opinion released (can’t recall whether it was our state ethics weenies or the ABA) on the propriety of communicating with clients via e-mail.  The opinion allowed that it was acceptable, and the stated reason for that conclusion was that there was no reason to suppose that e-mail was any materially less secure than the U.S. postal system.

Errrmmm, fellows:  That assumption is no longer warranted.  The few things that have been disclosed about the surveillance capabilities are frightening enough.  The one thing of which we can be sure is that the Director of National Intelligence is willing to lie to Congressional committees.  So are the senior staff of the IRS.  So is the U.S. Attorney General.  So is the former Secretary of State.  And so forth.  We must therefore assume that we have not been told the full extent of what they can do, what they have been doing, what they have been doing with it, and to whom that information has been further disseminated and for what purposes.

Thus, yesterday I sent the following letter to the chairman of our state ethics weenie commission:

I am writing you in your capacity as chair of the Board of Professional Responsibility to request a formal ethics opinion from the board in respect of the following questions:  

Q: What duty does a lawyer in  have to advise those of his clients with whom he communicates telephonically or via e-mail of the existence of federal domestic espionage programs under which undisclosed amounts and kinds of information and data is harvested from those communications by undisclosed agencies to be used for undisclosed purposes?  

Q: In light of the known existence of domestic espionage programs of undisclosed intent and purpose, may a lawyer ethically continue to communicate with his client other than face-to-face or via paper mail, with or without disclosure of the risk of espionage?  

Formal guidance on the subject for the practicing bar in <my state> is necessary because recent revelations – which I must emphasize are very fragmentary – render incorrect the foundation of the board’s earlier formal opinion that electronic mail is a permissible form for attorney-client communications. That opinion expressly stated as its basis that there was no reason to assume that e-mails were any less secure than the United States Postal Service. While no doubt true at the time, no reasonable person can make that assumption after what has come to light in the past weeks.  

I also emphasize that formal guidance from the Board is indispensable because as now appears to be indisputably the case, various agencies of the federal government are in fact willing to cooperate with each other in using the information each gathers for partisan political purposes. It is now conceded that the Internal Revenue Service targeted for adverse action an entire segment of the American political spectrum, and that at least some of the targets of its attentions were then subjected to otherwise-unexplained attentions from ostensibly unrelated federal agencies (e.g., the ATF and OSHA), or other divisions within the IRS itself, such as gift tax audits of donors disclosed on tax-exemption applications. It is likewise now known that the Service released to its political opponents confidential information in respect of an applicant for a tax-exempt ruling while the application was pending – a criminal offense.  

Under such circumstances no reasonable person may assume that the contents of any communication which is subject to being monitored – as we now know e-mails and telephone calls to be – will not be harvested, disseminated beyond its announced user, and deployed in manners directly targeted at one or more of the specific parties to a communication, for the purpose of injuring that party’s interests. Protestations to the contrary by federal bureaucrats are not entitled to be believed, whether made under oath or not.

I must say that I have no reasonable expectation of hearing back from them, either personally or via actual action on their part. 

 In the meantime, I have added to my usual “please trash this if you’ve received it erroneously” and IRS Circular 230 notice e-mail “signature” the following:

Federal Domestic Espionage Warning.  This e-mail may be routed over communications networks which are the subject of active, non-disclosed monitoring and recording by agencies of the United States government and/or its contractors under one or more programs which may or may not be authorized by statute and/or permissible under the U.S. Constitution.  The nature and extent of information gathered through such espionage have not been disclosed, nor have been disclosed the purposes to which such information is put, nor have been disclosed the identities of any other agencies or entities to which such information is further disseminated.

At least they can’t accuse me of ignoring the issue.

[Update 05 Dec 13]  Back when I sent my request to the ethics weenies, I received what is likely their standard-form reply (reminiscent of “send this bastard the bedbug letter” of railroading fame) that they’d take it up at their September, 2013 quarterly board meeting.  It will surprise no one any more than it did me that I have yet to see any indication that they have engaged with the issue.  And of course the extent and detail of the monitoring that has been revealed in the interim has only got more alarming.  We now know, for example, that the NSA routinely shares information with law enforcement agencies, among them the DEA.  So how, if you practice criminal law, especially federal criminal law, do you communicate with your clients?  And if you practice immigration law?  Or in fact if you practice any kind of law where you have a federal or state agency as the adverse party?

A Modest Proposal

With apologies to Dean Swift, I offer herewith my modest proposal to address the IRS issue, by which I mean the joyful readiness with which the IRS — apparently all divisions of it — whores itself out as a general-purpose thug for the benefit of left-wing political interests.

The problem is how do you get an institution to change its direction when the people in charge of giving it that direction know themselves to be effectively immune from any consequences of any sort. Congress can’t fire Lois Lerner. The DoJ, under command of a flagrant perjurer, is certainly never going to bring either civil or criminal action down on her. Even if Dear Leader does decide to throw her under the bus, she’ll go roost at some think tank, university, law firm, or consultancy for a few years, and the next Democrat administration to come along will find her back at presidential-appointment level. She’ll retire full of years and pension benefits. Like as not she’ll be drawing a six-figure salary as a board member of some “non-profit” funded by whichever Geo. Soros clone is active at that time. The people whose lives and businesses she’s ruined? They won’t even get “good government.”

The federal government (and state governments too, by the way) is bursting at the seams with Lois Lerners large and small.

I suggest that the objectives of any resolution must be to (i) give the legal ability to go after the Lois Lerners of the bureaucracy hammer and tongs to private individuals who have actually been injured by her; (ii) put in play not only her present job but all of her accrued goodies built up over a career of sucking intermittently at the public tit; (iii) put in jeopardy her ability ever to hold a government job at any level ever again; and, (iv) make her such a poison pill that she will be unemployable by any of the groups which seem to exist principally as a cushy landing place for people like her. 

The first is the easiest to craft: Congress simply provides that any person or organization which can show itself to have been injured or have its rights compromised shall have an independent (i.e., not contingent upon action or non-action by the likes of Eric Holder) civil right of action in the plaintiff’s home federal district court. The right of action shall be cumulative with any other administrative proceeding, civil action, or criminal prosecution, and the pendency of any such other process shall not prejudice the plaintiff in the commencement or prosecution of the private action. The private action shall not be stayed by any filing under the Bankruptcy Code, nor will any bankruptcy court have jurisdiction to hear any matter pertaining to it. Any refusal to testify or respond to discovery under any claim of privilege shall, as to the private right, constitute an absolute admission on the point(s) implicated. Provide that there shall be no attorney-client privilege as to any conversation, written, or electronic communication between any person employed by the IRS any other person, excepting only the IRS’s employee’s attorney of record in the private action. Provide that not only the individual IRS agent involved but every person in that agent’s chain of command, up to and including the commissioner, shall be a party defendant, shall be subject to compulsory process in the forum court, and shall be subject to all forms of discovery. Provide that the defendant shall not be entitled to a government-provided defense, but shall, if successful in defending all but not less than all claims, have a right to reimbursement from the government for any actual expenses of defense incurred. Make every person’s employment and continuation in employment contingent upon such person’s accepting in full all of the provisions of the statute. Give a similar right, with similar procedural safeguards, of action to any employee who is disciplined, discharged, demoted, or otherwise experiences an adverse employment action by reason of his refusal to engage in the prohibited conduct. 

The remedies in the action would include, mandatorily: (i) personal, non-dischargeable liability for all monetary injury caused by the acts and omissions forming the basis of the suit; (ii) personal, non-dischargeable liability for punitive relief in the greater of, say, 250 times any compensatory damages awarded, or $10 million; (iii) personal, non-dischargeable liability for all of the successful plaintiff’s attorney’s fees and expenses of litigation; (iv) termination of all federal employment and permanent ineligibility for any office, elective or appointive, in the federal government, whether compensated or not; (v) forfeiture of all pay and benefits received in respect of federal employment, retroactively to the first date on which any such prohibited conduct is found to have occurred, the liability for restitution to be subordinate to the successful plaintiff’s and likewise non-dischargeable in bankruptcy; and, (vi) irrevocable assignment of all post-employment benefits, Social Security, federal retirement, as well as sums held within or payments from any “qualified plan” (this would sweep in IRAs, 401(k) plans, and state and local retirement benefits) and proceeds of life insurance policies, to the successful plaintiff to pay any monetary award made. Expressly make all those benefits subject to execution notwithstanding any federal or state statutory exemption from execution. Make all assets in which the losing defendant has any interest, legal or equitable, subject to execution to satisfy the judgment, again notwithstanding any otherwise applicable exemption (we’ll have no O. J. Simpsons living in a Florida mansion and enjoying an unlimited homestead exemption). 

Well, OK Gentle Reader says. Lois isn’t a federal worker any more. What’s to stop her signing on for a mid-six-figure job with the University of BLANK to teach . . . oh, whatever grievance studies course they feel like offering her? This is how: You simply make ineligible for federal tax exemption any organization which employs any person against whom judgment has been rendered pursuant to the statute. You make ineligible for any federal contract any organization which employs any such person. You make ineligible for exemption or contracting any organizations which pay more than, say, $5,000 in any year to any one or more than entities or organizations in which any such person has more than a 1% stake in the equity or profits, or which itself pays any such person more than $5,000 or so per year. You bar from lobbying any organization which hires or contracts with any such person. And so forth. You create a whistle-blower’s right of action with a 30% recovery of the first three years’ tax obligations of any violating tax-exempt organization. 

You’re not preventing Lois from working; you’re not even preventing her from working in her area of expertise (tax law). What you are doing is preventing her, having violated the public trust in that fashion, from drawing a subsidy from the American taxpayer, either directly or indirectly.  By like token you’re not preventing any employer from ever hiring Lois. You’re just asking them to choose which is more important to them: providing a comfortable retirement for someone like Lois or not paying taxes.

 To the argument that this would “chill” competent people from going into government service, I say bullshit. If Lois calls down to the Cincinnati office and tells them to git after them nasty, stinky Tea Partiers, which would you rather chill – the employee who will tell Lois to go pound sand up her ass and by the way this call was recorded, or on the other hand the employee who’ll say certainly and what specific groups does Ms. Lerner have in mind to target?  What you will chill is the dishonest, the power-mad, the megalomaniacal. 

Maybe once a few higher-ups have had their lives ruined by engaging in these sorts of monkey shines the message will get out that it really doesn’t matter who’s in the White House, a government employee identification card is not a license to be a law unto oneself. I’ll take any incidental chilling that happens. Collateral damage or, as Dear Leader referred to our four dead Americans in Benghazi, “bumps in the road.”

 And if you think none of this is really an issue, after all, take a look at what happened to someone who challenged the labor-union ridden TSA, and had the guts to testify before Congress about it.

Wow, Blow off Blogging for Three Short Months

And look what happens.

To all my loyal readers reader, my sincerest apologies for having gone all Rip Van Winkle on this venture for the better part of three months. I can’t even correctly recall precisely why it was that I went quiet, back then. I do know that for the better part of two full months I was at general quarters, getting ready for a jury trial that got postponed a week before it was supposed to kick off. In any event, the sensation of having abandoned something one set out to do is merited and oppressive.

And what a three months it’s been. We’re still no closer to finding out why the administration left four Americans, including its ambassador, to be slaughtered. We know that someone senior in the picture actively got involved in lying to the American public about the incident, for weeks on end. We know that the one person in the whole show who could have credibly shifted America’s focus onto what happened – Genl Petraeus – just happened to have made himself extremely vulnerable to blackmail at that time, and that he, though having earned a reputation for speaking his mind irrespective of the politics of the moment, strangely went along with the deception. If the inference is warranted that he remained silent, knowing that the administration was intentionally peddling a bogus version of what happened that night, in the hopes of saving his own hide, then (a) what a rube, and (b) he no more than fell afoul of one of the oldest saws out there: Never give a sucker an even break. You’d think that someone who’s navigated the (literally) cut-throat morass of Iraq would have understood that someone like Dear Leader simply doesn’t keep promises, especially not to people whose existence has become inconvenient. Let us recall what one of Dear Leader’s heroes, known for at least some period at the Great Helmsman, observed about mean who were problems: Get rid of the man, get rid of the problem. Once Dear Leader was safely re-elected (with the vigorous assistance of the Internal Revenue Service), the general was expendable. And he was expended. 

The now-former Sec’y of State has appeared before the Congress, and in response to the pointed question of who commanded the lie be told, shot back, “What difference does it make at this point?” By saying which she actually answered several questions all at once, viz. (i) I know who gave the order. (ii) I’m not going to say because I still need this person’s assistance in achieving my ambitions for the future. (iii) All that business about “executive over-reach” I was spouting during the eight years of Bush’s presidency was just a load of nonsense to look good in newsprint. 

I’m an ol’ sailor, and in inshore piloting, if you can get two intersecting lines of bearing, then you know where you are, because there’s only one point on the surface of the globe that simultaneously satisfies the conditions of bearing 217 degrees from Point A and 104.5 degrees from Point B. So let’s focus on which universe of people could conceivably satisfy both conditions of (i) being in a position to give the order, and (ii) being someone necessary to Hillary’s ambitions. Looked at that way, it’s a pretty small universe, isn’t it? 

Then we’re treated to a look inside the IRS. It turns out that a large part of why the Tea Party movement, which so thoroughly ran the table in 2010, was so oddly quiescent in 2012 was because their grass-roots organizations (and they’re all grass-roots in that movement; there simply isn’t such an outfit as The Tea Party) couldn’t raise money. Well why ever not? It seems that as folks began to study on the practicalities of formal political action, they realized they needed some degree of personal liability protection. They also needed a tax-exempt letter from the IRS. Now here’s something that the uninitiated sometimes don’t always realize right off the bat: It doesn’t matter what sort of an organization you are, or what your mission is, or what you do or don’t do; you’re not an exempt organization until the IRS determines that you are an exempt organization and tells you so much in writing. So what happened to the applications for tax-exempt status? Well, they were referred to a special group of people, who were given very specific instructions on how to see to it that these organizations got the Full Treatment. At first they were told to look for groups with “patriot” or “tea party” in their names. That dragnet was both too blatant and too porous for the administration’s purposes, so after a little while the focus was watered down to groups which stated that their goal was arguing for smaller, less intrusive, less expensive government. 

Groups caught up in it got swamped with hundred of questions, all the way from demanding to know who their donors were (and as it later turns out, the donors disclosed were then the subject of bogus gift tax “audits,” trying to levy gift taxes on the contributions made to the victim organizations), demanding to know who attended their meetings, what was said at the meetings, for groups with an overtly religious cast, what were the contents of their members prayers, and on and on and on. Hundreds and in some cases thousands of pages of documentation and answers were to be provided. Each round just brought more bullshit questions, and when the questions stopped, the applications disappeared into a black hole. No action one way or the other. Very clever, that: If the IRS had denied the application the organizations could have brought suit in federal court to challenge the denial, but without a denial. For months and in some cases years (some of the groups still don’t have a decision on way or the other) the IRS strung them out, and during all that time their ability to raise money was minimal. 

But it didn’t stop with the IRS. Prominent activists (like the husband and wife who, having observed massive voter fraud in Houston, organized a group – True the Vote – to monitor and document the abuse, and then of course eventually to fight back against it) suddenly found themselves subject to the interest of multiple federal agencies who for years had shown zero curiosity about them or their businesses. The True the Vote folks found themselves the subject of a surprise inspection by OSHA and not one but two audits by the ATF, as well as tax audits of their business and themselves personally. 

And so the Tea Party financial apparatus was crippled during the two years before the election. Every public statement thus far made about the genesis and supervision of the persecution has proven to be false, usually demonstrably so. There was a sudden surge in applications under Section 501(c)(4) in 2010? Uh, no. Leftist groups were the subject of identical treatment? Nope, not a one has come forward or been identified. Just a bunch of rogue agents in the Cincinnati office? Not true either; the program was from the very beginning known to and the subject of orchestration by senior IRS officials. Nobody in a position of authority knew about it? Try again; no less than the IRS senior counsel personally knew what was going on. 

What’s interesting is that the story was self-reported – kinda sorta – by a question planted at a news conference. The IRS apparatchik giving the conference, Lois Lerner (about whom more in a bit), arranged for a lawyer/lobbyist to ask a specific question about a forthcoming IRS Inspector General report on the fiasco. It was at that conference that ol’ Lois first tried out the “few rogue agents” bullshit. But that’s not the most interesting aspect of the case. The IG’s report was the report of an audit, which is nothing more than exactly that: The IG’s folks ask questions but have no compulsory power. If the audit discovers evidence of wrong-doing, the next step is an actual investigation, in which the IG does have compulsory powers, can put people under oath, and can generally crack heads. The IG audit report in question makes some very specific findings of misconduct, some of which may even be criminal in nature. But an investigation was never begun. It stopped with an audit.  Gerald Walpin, the (former) IG of the a federal agency who got himself fired when he refused to back down on a $750,000 theft of government money – by a prominent supporter and donor of Dear Leader, but Gentle Reader knew that without asking – has an interesting and under all the history of this administration compelling theory that the omission was entirely predictable. He recites a litany of IGs who made the mistake of pushing too hard on issues of concern to the administration, and who paid for it with their jobs. 

The DoJ has been busted for monitoring the communications of a host of Associated Press reporters, including their communications from within the Capitol itself, specifically the House Cloak Room. Those reporters of course got off comparatively lightly, as far as intrusiveness goes. A Fox News reporter (will coincidences never cease?!?) not only has all his personal communications monitored, but even his mother gets the same treatment. That of course required warrants, and to get it the Attorney General of the United States lied to a federal judge. The affidavit (sworn, dontcha know) alleged that the reporter in question was potentially a defendant co-conspirator in an act of criminal espionage. Later, the same AG stands in front of Congress and allows that he had “no involvement” in obtaining the warrant. Then it comes out that he’d given his personal approval to the affidavit seeking the warrant. All this raises the interesting philosophical point of whether it’s more permissible to lie under oath to Congress or to a federal judge in order to take a mighty chop at the tree of a free press. 

Well, those nasty, eeeevillll, violent Tea Partiers just asked for it, after all (no, seriously: we had a Congressmember say that in public), and that uppity Fox News feller should have expected as much, working for Satan himself. In plain English, they’re Other People. If we just keep our heads down, don’t question the government, we’ll be OK, won’t we? Won’t we? Ehhhhh . . . maybe not. We now discover a bit more of the true extent to which The Man has been watching us for years now. Every call we make, every e-mail we send has its metadata sent to and stored by the National Security Administration. The current program traces back to a Bush-era program in which the initial aim was to monitor communications crossing U.S. borders (don’t need a warrant to snoop on international communications). I admit I’m a bit sketchy on the full and technical details of what’s out there thus far, but at some point the program morphed into capturing the originating and recipient phone numbers of all telephone calls. The likely scope of what’s being hoovered (that’s actually an insider’s expression and refers not to the household appliance company but to the former FBI director) is of course much, much greater. 

In light of the revelations, we see the inevitable and utterly predictable blow-back from this all: International users of the communications systems are going to avoid U.S. providers, U.S. hardware companies (how can they be sure that the snooping software isn’t hard-wired into it, after all?), and we have to presume U.S. trading partners if possible. I mean, if they can pull that information from your computer when you send an e-mail, how difficult would it be to plant something on your computer in the first place? Stuxnet, anyone (which Dear Leader bragged – publicly – that the U.S. had placed on Iran’s nuclear weapons equipment)? 

The justification for this degree of surveillance is that it’s necessary to protect us from terrorism. Well, that’s reassuring, isn’t it? It’s indispensable that the federal government know every website I visit so that it can ignore not one, not two, but three specific warnings about specific individuals – the brethren Tsarnaev – given to it by two completely independent countries’ intelligence agencies. They have to know every time I fire up the ol’ Samsung because it would be just way too much trouble to infiltrate and monitor mosques, even mosques known to be recruiting centers for home-grown jihadists. The NSA has to analyze what it means – if anything – each time I send an e-mail to a particular address because if it didn’t, they would have to do complicated shit like follow up on Facebook postings by people that foreign governments have specifically warned us are radicalized, actively engaged with known terrorist organizations and agents, and are planning active operations in the U.S. 

All this and more over the dam since I went cold, dark, and quiet. I confess I’m still not completely satisfied in my mind which of the revelations I find the most egregious. Of all of them I’m least exercised by the reporters’ laments. I’m not a scholar of the First Amendment – I can’t really say I’m much of a scholar of anything, come to think of it – but while there is something to be said in favor of the proposition that press freedom is a limiting factor on the government’s ability to impose penalties on the press for dissemination of sensitive data, in point of fact it can’t be a secret to any reporter whose beat includes the hush-hush parts of Uncle Sugar’s House of Nuts that a good deal of what his usual sources tell him they’re breaking the law if they tell him. 

The specific revelation that got the Fox News dude in hot water was the tip that North Korea was expected to respond to particular sanctions by staging another nuclear test. It seems that information could only have come from sources very high within the North Korean regime, and the news story pretty much clued whichever Kim is this generation’s lunatic in to the fact that we had a source that high up. Depending on how that information was known within that regime, whoever our source was/is may well be on his way to a one-night stand in front of a wall in an execution cell somewhere. If he’s not been sent on his way already. So to pretend that this is a First Amendment issue pure and simple is not honest. I mean, let’s just say that Movietone decided to run a story on when Operation Overlord was set to go. Or if the BBC had run a story that Case Yellow – the invasion of France and the Low Countries – was set for early May, 1940. Would we object, per sé, to a warrant issuing on the people known or believed to have been involved in the security breach? 

The NSA story I find more unsettling, because the federal government has chosen to spy on me in lieu of more specific, less intrusive methods of guarding me from the folks out there who are known to exist. As hinted at above, until 2011 the FBI had an active program in place to infiltrate mosques, especially and specifically mosques whose congregants or clergy were known to have or reasonably suspected to have ties to terrorist organizations. We apparently monitored pretty closely what they did. That program was discontinued at the behest of CAIR – the Council on American Islamic Relations – an organization that if memory serves was itself an unindicted co-conspirator in several criminal terrorism prosecutions. Successful prosecutions. The revelations about what we knew about the Tsarnaev brothers, and when, illustrate the point even better. The Russian security agency warned us about the elder brother not once but twice. The Saudi intelligence boys also (according to a report in Mail Online; alas you have to read the foreign press to get a clear picture of what’s happening on this side of the ocean) gave not only the U.S. but also the British specific intelligence about Brer Tsarnaev’s activities and his intentions. The brilliant boys at the FBI and the CIA took those reports and did . . . nothing. They certainly didn’t share them with the old-fashioned gum-shoes in the Boston P.D., who might have put a tail on them. It wasn’t like the brothers were being secretive about any of their thoughts or actions, either. They put them right out there on Facebook. In summary, with this NSA operation the government has opted to go in for domestic spying – on me – on an historically unprecedented scale, with only theoretical likelihood of actually catching a bad guy in time, and at a time when it either refuses outright to engage in ordinary municipal police department quality investigation of known threats, or can’t be bothered to do the job properly when it does so bestir itself. It would be like a football team spending all of its practice time and budget on trick plays, rather than blocking drills, running pass patterns, and tip drills. Harlem Globetrotter stuff instead of practicing free throws and breaking a full-court press. 

The Benghazi fiasco outrages me, but more not on a fundamental level. Administrations have always tried to suppress bad news and blunders. The worse the blunder the more energy they’ve spent on hiding the truth. It’s what administrations do, and while I fully see the wickedness and cynicism of our betraying those Americans in that hell-hole that we helped create – that Dear Leader illegally helped create – it doesn’t strike me as something that endangers our American Experiment. 

The IRS abuses, however, are what make all the other scandals intolerable. The IRS is the one agency which touches almost every last American. If you’re sixteen and have a summer job, the payroll taxes withheld from your paycheck flow through the IRS. If you’re a single parent with a ninth-grade education and you’re trying desperately not to slip into perpetual welfare dependency, the EITC advance refund you get is processed by the IRS. If you’re a tobacco farmer the excise taxes paid on the end-product of your fields is enforced by the IRS. And of course if you’re part of that only slightly-more-than-half of the American adult population that pays federal income taxes, what the IRS does and how it does it shapes whether you have a job, what kind of a career path or pay curve you have within that job, and of course how much you bring home each pay period. With the enactment of the ACA – it bothers me to hear it called “Obamacare” because in fact Dear Leader was strangely uninvolved with its drafting; if anything it ought to be called “Pelosicare” or “Baucuscare” – the IRS will be in charge of determining what kind of health insurance you can buy, from whom, and at what price. 

We see now laid bare that the IRS views itself as being the enforcement arm of a particular political party and movement. While it was holding up, in many cases for months and years, the 501(c)(4) applications of the sundry conservative organizations, hamstringing their ability to raise money to pursue their goals, the lefty organizations’ applications sailed on through with minimal fuss. Lois Lerner (q.v.) was among the guiding lights of the plan, and here it’s not unimportant to note that this was not her first rodeo. She used to be counsel for the Federal Election Commission’s enforcement division. Back in 1996 a young Republican challenged an Illinois Democrat in a Congressional race (I’m thinking it was Dick Durbin, but I could be wrong). About a month before the election he mysteriously got popped with a full-bore FEC investigation. It cost him nearly $100,000 and it was eventually determined entirely in his favor. But around the time it was launched, he got a call from the FEC. “Promise me you’ll never run for office again and we’ll drop this case,” he was told by the FEC lawyer. His caller? One Lois Lerner. It was dear ol’ Lois again who required, as a condition for approving an anti-abortion group’s application for tax-exempt status, that its board members promise never to picket a Planned Parenthood office. 

Several former IRS employees have made the point that what happened to these conservative groups was so far outside the boundaries of what is known to be permissible behavior within the IRS (like leaking the donors of groups who had applications still pending, an offense for which the penalty is criminal), and the penalties for it so draconian (at least if you’re a peon, as was the case with the Cincinnati office staffers; if you’re Lois Lerner or the senior counsel who were pulling the strings your stakes are entirely different), that there is simply no way in heaven or hell these things would have been done without very specific instruction from very highly placed people in the central IRS command structure. 

When called on the carpet before Congress dear Lois put on hauteur which would have made Marie Antoinette proud. The elected representatives of the American people were no more than canaille, Pöbel, villeins (I note here that within the past few days we observed the anniversary of Wat Tyler’s un-doing: “Villeins ye are, and villeins ye shall remain,” spake Richard II to the assembled peasants, whereupon his men-at-arms made short work of them), narod. How dare you question one of the anointed? What she is asserting is neither more nor less than the right of the bureaucracy to do as it pleases, and be damned to any enactment of Congress. And to do it in the service of a partisan political goal. 

Richard Nixon famously had his enemies list, and he equally famously used, or attempted to use, the IRS to go after them. Much, in fact, in the manner that LBJ had used the same agency to go after Richard Nixon. And much in the manner that FDR had instructed the IRS, including its chief prosecutor, one Robert Jackson, to bring and prosecute criminal charges against Andrew Mellon, a former Secretary of the Treasury, for actions which Jackson informed Roosevelt were perfectly legal. But prosecute he did. Jackson, whom I used to admire before I read that little story (it’s one of the inter-twined plots in The Forgotten Man by Amity Shlaes, a marvelous book), and who ought to have been disbarred for what he did, instead was rewarded with a seat on the Supreme Court, from which post he took a leave of absence to go hang Nazis in Nuremberg. Go figure. 

Today’s IRS scandal is more unsettling because its actions were directed not at discrete individuals or organizations but at an entire swathe of the political spectrum. More to the point, the mechanism of the attack was a frontal assault on the practical ability of these groups to engage in political speech, which is the whole point of that part of the First Amendment. I mean, we don’t have a First Amendment so that people can dunk images of Jesus Christ in urine. We have a First Amendment so we can have True the Vote. The left has always been jealous of its hold on people like Geo. Soros and organizations like the New York Times. The Citizens United case blew a hole in that monopoly. If you can’t un-do that decision, you can at least turn it into a one-sided proposition. Despite the efforts of clowns like that feller from Minnesota (whose election victory bore unmistakable signs of pretty pervasive voter fraud), no one on the left seriously wants to toss a spanner into the ability of Comrade Soros and his like to pour millions of dollars onto the political scales. But what would make it even better is if you can intercept those unwashed bitter clingers from fly-over country in their efforts to take their $50 and $100 donations and get to what Geo. Soros can peel off his hip on any Saturday afternoon. 

In a wonderful movie, The Lives of Others, there’s a scene where the Stasi has just finished bugging the playwright’s apartment. The team’s leaving, and as the colonel is very carefully locking the door, the opposite door on the same floor’s landing opens behind him. A woman is standing there. The colonel turns and asks her if she’d like her son’s education to continue uninterrupted (and of course the colonel knows where and what he’s studying). He gives her to understand, in precisely so many words, that if she expects him to be permitted to carry on his education, she will forget everything she might have just seen or heard.

When trying to prevent voter fraud gets you repeated visits from not only the IRS but also the ATF and OSHA, when not only your political activities but your business livelihood is targeted, then folks, we’re at precisely the same point as depicted in that movie. 

Just imagine how delightful it will be when the same agency that came after the would-be conservative 501(c)(4) groups has access to all of your healthcare information. Do you really want to run that advertising campaign against Senator Dipstick? Just how badly does your brother need that lung transplant? You know, Mr. and Mrs. Murgatroyd, there are only so many experts in treating children with autism spectrum disorders. Not just everyone can be accommodated. Are you really that interested in the voter rolls of Dade County? 

So I think that, in the balance, it’s the IRS story that’s the one which genuinely has the potential to destroy what America was supposed to be about, when the committee of the Continental Congress (and oddly enough, in the past few days we observed the anniversary of that committee’s formation) was tasked to draft a declaration relative to the political relationship between the thirteen colonies and the British crown. 

What a three months it’s been.

 

On Not Judging Ideas by Their Proponents

Everyone is familiar with the notion that the Nazis came up with the concept of a nation-wide system of high-speed, limited access, heavy-capacity highways.  The story about Eisenhower being so impressed with them that he decided to cover Atlanta in concrete may or may not be apocryphal.  But just because a bunch of guys up to their eyebrows in innocent blood came up with the idea that we now know as the interstate highway system doesn’t mean it was or is a bad idea.  By like token the observation that the road to hell is paved with good intentions reflects the flip side of that coin.

It’s now breathlessly reported that Intuit, the folks who brought us Tim Geithner TurboTax, which permits millions of Americans to navigate, more or less successfully, a tax code that may as well have been designed to thwart that purpose, has spent quite a bit of money lobbying against having the IRS send you a “free” pre-filled-out tax return for you to amend, or not, sign, and send back with your money.  I don’t think anyone with more than just walking around sense is going to suggest that Intuit’s motivations here are anything other than stifling competition for its products.  If the government were to — on the pretext of reducing “greenhouse gases” — open a nation-wide chain of oil-change and tune-up boutiques, what do you think JiffyLube, Speed Lube, and the other major operators are going to do?  Just sit there while a taxpayer-subsidized competitor destroys their business model? 

Remember that “taxpayer-subsidized” means your competitor is not exposed to the vicissitudes of having to Get It Right.  That’s not an unfounded concern, either.  Part of my ability to stay in business is through knowing my job and my industry better, and delivering a better product at a lower cost to my customers, when my ability to set my cost to my customers is a direct function of how low I can keep my own costs.  Taxpayer-subsidization means that my competitor’s ability to beat me fair and square is not contingent upon his knowing his shit better than I do.  It doesn’t matter if he’s an idiot and his costs are sixteen times mine; he can still offer his products and services for half what I have to charge to make payroll and keep the lights on (let alone take something home to make the house payment and put a can of baked beans in front of the chillerns).  And because I’m a taxpayer too, my taxpayer-subsidized competitor is subsidized . . . by me.  And by the way, once he’s driven me and all the other un-subsidized competitors out of business, what’s the likelihood that his products and services are going to continue to answer the customers’ needs in a positive manner?  To put a more concrete face on it, what if Congress said that it was going to underwrite the entire cost of USPS package and parcel delivery service?  What’s going to happen to FedEx, UPS, Averitt, and the rest?  What’s going to happen to customer service in the package and parcel trade, once USPS is the only provider because no one else can match its prices?

But it gets better:  Notice how the putative IRS service is touted as “free”?  Well, it’s only “free” to the people who use it to file their tax returns.  It’s anything but “free” to the taxpayers who are paying for it.  Paul Caron, who blogs over at TaxProfBlog and whose ruminations on tax-related subjects are generally stellar (he regularly is voted by the ABA membership, with reason, as one of the top 100 law-related blogs), notes that this “free” service could be a good fit for up to 40% of all filers.  Well isn’t that grand?  I can’t say with certainty how much overlap there is between the 40% of all filers who would be suitable to use this Countrylawyer-subsidized tax-preparation service and the over 40% of the population that pays zero income tax, but I’d wager there’s quite a bit.  Let me get this straight:  I, who every quarter have to sweat how I’m going to pay my quarterly tax hit and pay the mortgage at the same time, get to subsidize a “free” service for the principal benefit of a bunch of folks who have either little, zero, or negative tax liability (the EITC crowd).  And kindly don’t suggest to me that the subsidy won’t be all that much.  California is at $910 million and counting (they asked for just over $940 million, by the way) on setting up their Obamacare exchange, when a private company — Esurance — that performs exactly the same functions as these “exchanges” for all sorts of personal lines insurance (not just healthcare, in other words) all over the country got off the ground for less than $50 million.  And in fact the linked article even mentions that the jury’s not back on whether this wonderful “return-free” system would save or cost the IRS money, on net.  Sorry, guys, this “free” stuff just ain’t gettin’ it for me.

Thus, while I’m not going to take Intuit’s arguments against “free” government tax statements, I’m also not going to write those arguments off as being invalid because selfishly advanced.

Other opponents of the notion point to the government over-reach angle of it.  Get a “filled-out tax return” from the government, based on information it claims already to be in possession of, and what does Joe Citizen do?  “Gosh, they say this is the information they have; if I deny it, am I just asking to get audited?”  Or the folks who think they’re signing up for a free tax filing service and who think that what the government sends them is an actual tax bill, which they then have to pay, and so they do.  Let’s think about this in an analogy to another situation in which a government agency not known for its friendliness to and accommodation of those citizens it does business with — your local DA’s office and police department — sits an arrestee down and shoves a bunch of papers in front of him:  “Son, this is what we’ve got on you.  You don’t have to sign this confession; you’re free to mark it up if you want.  But we’ve got you on this.”  Arrestee doesn’t have a lawyer.  Does he sign?  Is anyone going to argue that’s a really neat way to do business?  Does anyone fail to see how the IRS dealing with taxpayers in the same fashion parallels the objectionable elements of this hypothetical?

Oh but the IRS would never, ever do something like this, would it?  I’ll simply observe that this is a governmental agency which officially takes the position that a taxpayer may not rely, in preparing his tax return or paying his taxes, on the answers given to him on the IRS’s own customer service lines, established for precisely the purpose of giving taxpayers assistance with complying with their tax obligations.  I’m supposed to accept, blindly, this outfit’s goodwill and promise not to dress up its “free” pre-filled-out tax return to look like a tax bill?  Not to put its thumb on the scales and overstate citizens’ tax liability, on the theory that not one in four will be willing to check their numbers or pay a third party to do a reality check?  Not to flag for audit the returns that come back to them with disputed numbers?  I may be dumb as a box of hammers, but I’m not dumb as a quarter-box of hammers.

On a more value-neutral matter, having the government <nudge-nudge> fill in your tax return for you has the effect of concealing from the taxpayer the complexity and burden of the tax laws.  What would be the public reaction if local jails routinely kept prisoners rotting in their own filth, but drugged to the point of unconsciousness?  Is it a violation of my 8th Amendment rights if I have no idea where I am, who I am, what day of the week it is, or anything else?  One of the more salubrious side-effects of making citizens grind their own way through their annual tax returns is that it rubs our noses in just how buggered up our tax laws actually are.  It serves as an annual dose of outrage at what goes on in Washington.  I will state here as a categorical proposition that anything which fails to heighten Americans’ sense of outrage at how badly managed our country is can be nothing but bad policy.

Finally, there is a point to be made as to which I am of two minds.  For starts, I am entirely opposed to rent-seeking behavior, such as much of that engaged in by the legal system.  There’s a reason, after all, that you’ll seldom see the ABA get behind any legal reform which is likely to reduce the amount of lawyering that ordinary Americans and American business need to get from one day to the next.  You’ll never see the ABA’s monthly trade magazine ask whether Issue X is something that the law and the court system really need to get involved with in the first place.  A number of years ago one of the senior judges on the Second Circuit Court of Appeals (can’t recall his name, now, alas) let the cat out of the bag at some law-related conference.  He observed that if you pay close attention to how courts decide cases, you’ll almost never see an opinion cast in a way which fails to maximize the power and influence of lawyers and judges.  The notion that there even exists a multi-billion dollar tax preparation industry out there, which has no human purpose at all other than satisfying a gratuitously complicated and confiscatory system of tax laws, offends me. 

On the other hand, we do in fact have a gratuitously complicated and confiscatory tax system.  So long as we do, citizens are going to require help to navigate it.  There are private people and companies willing to do that, for a fee.  While the necessity for that service is an abomination, the fact remains that it is a necessary and valuable service which one private party may provide to another private party, to their mutual advantage.  And the other side of me has a serious problem with the government undertaking to do, and shifting the cost of doing to unknown third parties, anything which private citizens can accomplish in an orderly, efficient fashion.

I have to say, on the balance I’m with Intuit on this one.

Once More, Everything Old is New Again

Back in the day, in the 1500s and earlier, when Europe’s crowned heads got their financial butts in a crack, one of their favorite devices to raise a bunch of money without calling it a “tax” was the involuntary “loan,” which of course was typically never paid back.  Henry VIII, if my memory on the subject serves, was rather a fan of the method, since for all his absolutist yearnings he still had a Parliament that was very conscious of its control over taxation (itself a power wrested from Edward III in the course of his pouring money down the rat hole of the Hundred Years War).  Later on, in the early 1600s, when Charles I was falling out with Parliament, he attempted to use the ancient levy of “ship money” to raise general revenue.  It didn’t work for him.  Even later, in the 1860s, when Wilhelm I wanted to raise the length of conscripted service in the Prussian army from two years to three, the Landtag balked at raising the money for it.  A constitutional crisis threatened and in desperation Wilhelm summoned a previously-obscure Prussian Junker to Berlin.  Otto von Bismarck was Johnny-on-the-spot and got down to business, with results as known.

But O! what Henry, Charles, Wilhelm, and the rest of them could have done if only they’d thought up a single currency — call it the “Euro,” perhaps — and a continent-wide central bank, and a raft of bureaucrats to administer the whole show.  They all could have lived far above their means and then handed the bill to their neighbors.  They could agree to a “bail-out package” that makes the levy of ship money look like pocket change.  They could agree to deals which cut their troublesome parliaments, Landtag, and the like out of the picture.

Just like is happening in Cyprus, right now.  Cyprus, in addition to being the site of one of the Western world’s most ancient cultures — and most intriguing, with its as-yet undeciphered linear script and its cataclysmic destruction — as well as a bone fought over since the dawn of history — the Ottoman sultan’s flaying alive the commanders of captured garrisons was neither the first nor the last barbarity played out — is almost a self-parody of a nasty, corrupt little hell-hole of a country that is run more as an off-balance-sheet investment of international criminal circles than anything else.  Its banking and finance sector especially, we are told, has battened on money-laundering Russian kleptocrats and their ilk.  In one respect, however, it also resembles its other Mediterranean neighbors:  For years it’s been living beyond its means and now the piper must be paid.

And so once more the world gets a front-row seat as you have, on one side, the compulsive addict/alcoholic who demands that the rest of Europe cover not only his accumulated bar tab, but also negotiate a special all-day happy hour price for his continued tippling, which he adamantly refuses to cut back, and on the other side a bunch of deep pockets who can’t decide if they’re the Temperance League, a methadone clinic, a personal life coach, a bartender, AA, or some combination of all five.

There is this difference, though:  If Cyprus went bust and left the Euro, no one would really notice the difference one way or the other.  I mean, the total bail-out numbers being bandied about are in the €15 billion range, which is a rounding error in Spain, Italy, and Greece.  As one might expect, this point of distinction expresses itself, among other ways, in the conduct of the bargaining process, and the degree to which the Golden Rule (i.e., the man with the gold makes the rules) is applied.  In Greece and Italy there’s been a great deal of back-and-forth, and extensions of deadlines, and re-negotiations of terms, and so forth.  Cyprus is getting a whacking great dose of “Shut, they explained.”  Specifically, they’re having to come up with roughly a third of the cost of the total bail-out package, in cash, and do that from their own economy.  Five billion Euros might be a rounding error in Greece, but in Cyprus that’s a pretty big nut.

The original package contemplated a levy on all bank accounts (even the insured bank accounts), ranging from around 6.6% for smaller depositors to a figure just under 10% for the Russian kleptocrats.  That deal got shot out of the saddle by the Cypriot parliament.  The next idea floated was to nationalize the retirement funds of government employees into a “solidarity fund” that was to be secured by gas concessions to be granted; additional money was to come from the Cypriot Orthodox church’s assets.  That idea went nowhere as well.  Mind you, the banks are closed right now and have been for some days.  The country’s ATMs are letting people pull out as little as €100 per day, and the lines are getting longer by the hour.  After the “solidarity fund” notion tanked, the discussion turned back to a variant of the original deal, with some significant modifications.

On the sidelines is Vladimir Putin, whose kleptocrat buddies have over €24 billion on deposit in Cypriot banks, and have made a further €31 billion in loans to companies based (nominally cough! cough!>) in Cyprus.  In considering those numbers one must bear in mind that a good chunk of it represents money laundering and asset-hiding, and that the people doing it are Putin’s friends, political supporters, and very possibly undisclosed business partners.  So Vlad has has Gazprom, the slush fund piggy bank national hydrocarbon giant offer to restructure Cyprus’s debt in exchange for that seven trillion cubic feet of natural gas.  If not he’s toying with his options, including dumping some sizable portion of Russia’s Euro-denominated foreign reserves (wonder what that would do to the calculations of the savants in Brussels?).

I’m not sure whether I see it as a proxy fight between Germany and Russia, as this article does.  Nor do I necessarily fault Merkel for respectfully declining to use German taxpayers’ money to bail out Russian criminal enterprises.  But there’s no denying what’s going to happen when the banks open back up.  Everyone who can — including the small depositors — is going to bust a gut to put his money anywhere other than a Cypriot bank.  Lopping off a chunk of some people’s deposits is to let a horse out that cannot be re-stabled.  The Cypriots may be running a banana republic without the bananas, but they’re not stupid; they know that once you go down that road it’s just a question of time before some government does come after their money, or their retirement accounts.

Now the EU weenies and the Cypriot government have reached a deal.  It goes back to the original notion of a decapitation haircut for depositors and bondholders.  There are some differences.  Most importantly, deposits less than €100,000 are to remain untouched; they will, however, get a new banker: the Bank of Cyprus, the country’s largest bank.  Deposits above that sum are looking at a levy of up to 40% (although over at ZeroHedge they’re not buying that 40% limit for a moment), and being stuck at Laiki Bank, which will be wound up.  The whole deal has been structured so that it’s technically not a tax on the big depositors; were it otherwise the deal would have to be passed on by the Cypriot parliament.  Gentle Reader is invited to speculate on what is the likelihood that those folks, most of whom can be presumed to be directly or indirectly on the Russian payroll, and who’ve already rejected the much milder 9-odd percent levy, would approve a deal that essentially takes their party boat out over the continental shelf and blows scuttling charges all up and down its keel.

I haven’t seen anything on whether capital controls are also part of the deal but seriously, aren’t they almost inevitable?  I mean, why would a Cypriot small business owner continue to deposit his money at home when under EU rules he can dump it into a Deutsche Bank account in Frankfurt?  After the terms of the Greek bail-out began to take shape, billions of Euros left that country, large sums of it being transferred by senior politicians.  So let’s see where that leaves Joe Cypriot.  If you save your money by putting it in a bank account at home, you have no idea whether in the dead of night the government is going to lock down your bank and take as much of your account as pleases them for that night.  If you save for your retirement by putting your money into the Cypriot equivalent of a 401(k) or 403(b), your retirement nest egg might or might not be nationalized.  If you earn — on the books — more than bare subsistence, you have no place to put your money other than a fruit jar buried out back.  Since most if not all of your fellow-citizens will be able to figure the game out just as well as you, your local banker is going to be starved of depositors and thus liquidity, and so good luck on getting that bank loan to start/expand a business, or even earn a halfway decent return on what you do dare deposit.  If you’re a business looking to expand or invest overseas, exactly what positive incentive do you now have to consider, even for a fleeting, drunken moment, putting your money into Cyprus?

What is all that going to do to the Cypriot economy in the long term?  Well, for starts it’s going to drive a healthy part of it underground.  What the government can’t see it can’t expropriate and can’t tax.  Secondly it’s going to shrink the size even of that partially-underground economy.  Just about every history of the Scottish and English border marches ascribes its grinding, unending poverty to the structural uncertainty of limited land tenure, endemic public and private violence, and general inability to have any reasonable assurance that the fruits of today’s labor would not go up in smoke — quite literally — tomorrow.  Cyprus and the EU have just recreated that world, which James I in Britain crushed at the outset of the 17th Century, in a modern European island paradise.  True enough, the Russian criminal element will take a beating, but they’ll get theirs back from the skin of the patient, ever-oppressed narod of that unfortunate land.  But the true victims of all this are going to be exactly those small depositors in Cyprus who might, given enough generations, have made something of their homeland.  When economies collapse the already poor have nothing left to lose and the upper echelons have the ability to weather the storm.  It’s the middles who are destroyed.  Germany in the 1920s and 30s got to experience where that train takes you.  Will we see something like that in Cyprus?  Will Russia step into the shambles and set up shop?  Just a couple hundred miles from Syria, and less than 100 from the Turkish coast?  How’s that likely to work out?

Update [26 Mar 13]:  And sure enough, the Powers That Be are already wistfully wondering whether the Cyprus bail-out might become a template for future Eurozone bail-outs.  Immediate push-back, of course, arises, with the spokesman for the EU internal market commissioner emphasizing (a) that Cyprus is plainly (got that? plainly) a one-off case that cannot serve in any fashion as a precedent for any future situations, and (b) we need to figure out a way that taxpayers don’t keep getting stuck with the bill.  OK, as long as we’re clear about that.

The Luxemburg foreign minister is also quoted in the linked article.  He’s upset that Germany’s finance minister observed that Cyprus needs to alter its “business model.”  He objects to that expression, implying as it does that Cyprus (and other tiny European countries, such as . . . Luxemburg) has whored itself out as a haven for tax evasion and shady financial dealings.  The foreign minister accuses Germany, France, and Great Britain of seeking “hegemony” in the international finance markets.  It’s “un-European” for the big players to suggest that outfits like Cyprus ought to limit their financial sectors to ahem> legitimate financial business, and not serve the Putins of the world.  It bothers him that Germany is leading the charge in suggesting that those who benefit from playing in the shadows of places like Cyprus need to pony up when it’s time to bail out their benefactors.

Stand by to stand by, as we used to say in the navy.

Update [28 Mar 13]:  Well, here’s one for can’t-put-it-back-in-the-horse:  The EU internal markets minister is proposing to introduce a bill that will explicitly permit larger depositors (those above €100,000) to get shorn in the bank liquidation and/or bail-out processThat didn’t take long.  So much for the Luxemburgers’ pronouncements that Cyprus is just obviously a one-off, no-precedent-here situation.

Section 5, The Self-Violating Statute

I do not practice voting rights law. I am more or less completely unfamiliar with the pronouncements of any court at any level on the various arcana of what does and does not comply with the provisions of applicable federal and/or state constitutions and statutes which govern the subject. So my ruminations on this subject should be discounted accordingly.

Recently the U.S. Supreme Court heard argument in a case involving Shelby County, Alabama and Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. That act was the result of Congress finally getting serious about enforcing the Fifteenth Amendment, which provides that voting rights may not be “denied or abridged” by reason of race. The second section of the amendment provides that Congress may enforce its provisions by “appropriate legislation.” The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments were the so-called Reconstruction Amendments, adopted in response to the Southern states’ “Black Codes,” which were the efforts of the former Confederate states to re-impose, piece by piece, all of the legal disabilities associated with status as a slave, without actually having chattel slavery any more. 

Let’s just say that throughout more or less the entire South, and in more than a few parts of the country that had not been part of the secession, the Reconstruction Amendments were dead on arrival.  The state and local governments’ contempt for those amendments’ guarantees was so blatant that a reasonable person can only conclude that had they had been able to ignore the Thirteenth Amendment as well they would have. The old Confederacy’s bag of tricks to prevent blacks from casting ballots was almost limitless. It ran from outright personal violence to the infamous literacy tests, poll taxes, cock-eyed residency requirements, obscure registration requirements, disenfranchisement for any number of different reasons, and on and on. Among them also were the drawing of voting district and precinct boundaries so as to ensure that blacks, even if they all voted and all voted for the same candidate, would never be in a position to cast the majority of ballots in any single election. At-large districts were a favorite tool, where a densely-populated, largely black area was broken apart and its pieces each lumped in with a much larger, nearly all-white area, so that the whites could and would predictably out-vote the blacks. Poll taxes were outlawed by constitutional amendment, but that only took out one single block from a very strongly built edifice of oppression. 

By 1965 the balance of the country had finally had enough, and the Voting Rights Act was the result. Among its provisions was Section 5, which applied only to certain states, and which subjected all changes in those states’ voting laws, voting qualifications, redistricting, and other related measures to review and pre-approval in Washington (interestingly Congress didn’t even trust the local federal judiciary to have the balls to enforce the act’s requirements). A state or political subdivision or other voting district (such as a school district) which wished to change its voting practices (for want of a more technical description) could either file a declaratory judgment action in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia seeking a determination that the proposed changes did not violate applicable law, or it could ask for an administrative review and approval by the U.S. Department of Justice. 

The Voting Rights Act of 1965 came with a sunset clause, but each time it’s come up for re-authorization that’s handily been done. Initially the re-authorization was for seven-year increments, but beginning in the 1970s and then again in 2006 re-authorization has been for 25-year periods. Here’s the text of Section 5 (codified at 42 U.S.C. § 1973c) as it was re-authorized in the 1970s, and remained in force through 2006: 

“Whenever a State or political subdivision with respect to which the prohibitions set forth in section 1973b(a) of this title based upon determinations made under the first sentence of section 1973b(b) of this title are in effect shall enact or seek to administer any voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure with respect to voting different from that in force or effect on November 1, 1964, or whenever a State or political subdivision with respect to which the prohibitions set forth in section 1973b(a) of this title based upon determinations made under the second sentence of section 1973b(b) of this title are in effect shall enact or seek to administer any voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure with respect to voting different from that in force or effect on November 1, 1968, or whenever a State or political subdivision with respect to which the prohibitions set forth in section 1973b(a) of this title based upon determinations made under the third sentence of section 1973b(b) of this title are in effect shall enact or seek to administer any voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure with respect to voting different from that in force or effect on November 1, 1972, such State or subdivision may institute an action in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia for a declaratory judgment that such qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure does not have the purpose and will not have the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color, or in contravention of the guarantees set forth in section 1973b(f)(2) of this title, and unless and until the court enters such judgment no person shall be denied the right to vote for failure to comply with such qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure: Provided, That such qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure may be enforced without such proceeding if the qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure has been submitted by the chief legal officer or other appropriate official of such State or subdivision to the Attorney General and the Attorney General has not interposed an objection within sixty days after such submission, or upon good cause shown, to facilitate an expedited approval within sixty days after such submission, the Attorney General has affirmatively indicated that such objection will not be made. Neither an affirmative indication by the Attorney General that no objection will be made, nor the Attorney General’s failure to object, nor a declaratory judgment entered under this section shall bar a subsequent action to enjoin enforcement of such qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure. In the event the Attorney General affirmatively indicates that no objection will be made within the sixty-day period following receipt of a submission, the Attorney General may reserve the right to reexamine the submission if additional information comes to his attention during the remainder of the sixty-day period which would otherwise require objection in accordance with this section. Any action under this section shall be heard and determined by a court of three judges in accordance with the provisions of section 2284 of Title 28 and any appeal shall lie to the Supreme Court.”

 What’s interesting is that neither the declaratory judgment option nor the administrative review option has any preclusive effect upon a subsequently filed lawsuit to enjoin the changes’ effectiveness. But more to the point, let’s focus on what Section 5 prohibits: Changes that “have the purpose [or] have the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color, or in contravention of the guarantees set forth in section 1973b(f)(2) of this title.” The test is two-pronged, both subjective (intent) and objective (effect). The situation which must be shown not to be aimed at or effected is the denial or abridgement of the right to vote “on account of race” or contrary to the guarantees of Section 1973b(f)(2). As one might suppose, the courts have not been at a loss to find any number of proposed arrangements either to evidence the intent to diminish voting rights on account of race or to have that effect.

It’s been nearly 50 years since the Voting Rights Act was adopted. Across large areas of the South, voting participation by blacks now closely mirrors that of their white fellow-citizens. Similar proportions of eligible citizens register, and similar proportions of registered voters actually do so. More to the point, black voting participation rates in large areas of the South now exceed comparable measures in many areas of the North, including specifically some areas which are commonly (and justifiably, in many cases) viewed as having been at the forefront of the national struggles to end slavery and a hundred years later to fight for civil rights. Blacks are elected to public office not only by other blacks, but also by whites as well. One thinks of Allen West of Florida and J. C. Watts of Oklahoma. Mia Love in Colorado came within a whisker of winning election to Congress in 2012. There are also whites in Congress who regularly win election in so-called “majority-minority” districts; one thinks of Steven Cohen of Tennessee. If I were more of a political junkie I’m sure I could come up with numerous other examples of each; those are just the ones that come to mind as I sit here on the couch. Racially-motivated voter suppression is now a two-way street. The New Black Panther Party case came out of Philadelphia, and involved armed black thugs intimidating white voters. There was another case – in Mississippi, of all places – in which a black public official got busted for suppressing white votes. 

So you can pardon, perhaps, folks looking around and asking, if voters across the old Confederacy now behave alike, irrespective of race, and participate in the process in ways that are not explicable with reference to race (as opposed to other, legally unobjectionable markers which do happen statistically to correlate with race, such as felony conviction rates, which have a disparately negative impact on blacks’ voting rights in general (in most places felons can’t vote), and black males specifically), why it is that some parts of the country but not others must still go through this pre-clearance nonsense. It’s not as though anyone’s proposing to exempt anyone in any part of the country from the duty to refrain from denying or abridging voting rights on account of race. But why is there still a statutory presumption that governments in some but not other parts of the country are still up to their old tricks, a half-century later? 

But it gets better. The existing Section 5 wasn’t good enough the last time the act was re-authorized, in 2006. Now the text of 42 U.S.C. § 1973c reads like this (new matter in italics): 

(a) Whenever a State or political subdivision with respect to which the prohibitions set forth in section 1973b(a) of this title based upon determinations made under the first sentence of section 1973b(b) of this title are in effect shall enact or seek to administer any voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure with respect to voting different from that in force or effect on November 1, 1964, or whenever a State or political subdivision with respect to which the prohibitions set forth in section 1973b(a) of this title based upon determinations made under the second sentence of section 1973b(b) of this title are in effect shall enact or seek to administer any voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure with respect to voting different from that in force or effect on November 1, 1968, or whenever a State or political subdivision with respect to which the prohibitions set forth in section 1973b(a) of this title based upon determinations made under the third sentence of section 1973b(b) of this title are in effect shall enact or seek to administer any voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure with respect to voting different from that in force or effect on November 1, 1972, such State or subdivision may institute an action in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia for a declaratory judgment that such qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure neither has the purpose nor will have the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color, or in contravention of the guarantees set forth in section 1973b(f)(2) of this title, and unless and until the court enters such judgment no person shall be denied the right to vote for failure to comply with such qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure: Provided, That such qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure may be enforced without such proceeding if the qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure has been submitted by the chief legal officer or other appropriate official of such State or subdivision to the Attorney General and the Attorney General has not interposed an objection within sixty days after such submission, or upon good cause shown, to facilitate an expedited approval within sixty days after such submission, the Attorney General has affirmatively indicated that such objection will not be made. Neither an affirmative indication by the Attorney General that no objection will be made, nor the Attorney General’s failure to object, nor a declaratory judgment entered under this section shall bar a subsequent action to enjoin enforcement of such qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure. In the event the Attorney General affirmatively indicates that no objection will be made within the sixty-day period following receipt of a submission, the Attorney General may reserve the right to reexamine the submission if additional information comes to his attention during the remainder of the sixty-day period which would otherwise require objection in accordance with this section. Any action under this section shall be heard and determined by a court of three judges in accordance with the provisions of section 2284 of Title 28 and any appeal shall lie to the Supreme Court.

(b) Any voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure with respect to voting that has the purpose of or will have the effect of diminishing the ability of any citizens of the United States on account of race or color, or in contravention of the guarantees set forth in section 1973b(f)(2) of this title, to elect their preferred candidates of choice denies or abridges the right to vote within the meaning of subsection (a) of this section. 

(c) The term “purpose” in subsections (a) and (b) of this section shall include any discriminatory purpose. 

(d) The purpose of subsection (b) of this section is to protect the ability of such citizens to elect their preferred candidates of choice.

Pay close attention to new subsection (b) and what it must assume in order to make any sense at all. Anything that has either the purpose or effect of – “on account of race” – diminishing citizens’ ability to “elect their preferred candidates of choice” is declared to violate the strictures of subsection (a). Notice that what’s being aimed at is no longer voting for one’s candidate, but actually electing one’s candidate; it’s the outcome that is now the objective, not the process. Now exactly how can anyone discern that one’s ability to elect one’s “preferred candidates of choice” (by the way that redundant formulation is indication of sloppy logic on the draftsman’s part) has been or may be adversely affected specifically on account of race without assuming that people of specific races must necessarily want, by reason of their race, to vote for specific candidates and not others? More to the point, subsection (b) assumes that a group of three judges sitting in Washington can decide who a bunch of black voters really want to vote for. You have to make that assumption because without it you cannot measure whether something has had the effect of diminishing any group’s ability to elect a candidate (and you have to make the measurement at the group level because no single voter can elect anyone to office).

And here we have the left’s bird-dogging their goal: It’s not that the left objects to blacks’ being denied the right to vote, because they aren’t any more, or at least not because of the color of their skin. What the left objects to is how blacks exercise that right. In the left’s view, a black citizen’s franchise in fact does not belong to him as an individual but merely as a unit of a group which is defined for him – into which he is defined, you can say – by a bunch of guys in Washington. The result is that a black voter who lives in an area where there is a concentration of voters who superficially look like him is going to find himself gerrymandered into a voting district that has been tinkered with, stretched, and twisted to produce a specific pattern of electoral outcomes. It does not matter that he has or may have nothing at all in common – other than his skin color – with the vast majority of his fellow voters in that district, who may live not just miles but hours away from him. His interests, his objectives, his policy preferences, his mode of existence, his life habits, may be entirely at odds with his fellow voters in the district. But a bunch of guys at the DOJ get to decide that, because he is black, he must want to vote for a specific and definable narrow range of candidates, and they – not he – get to decide who those candidates are.

Pray tell me how is that black voter not being denied a reasonable ability to elect his preferred candidates, and when he is lumped in with other voters for no reason but his skin color, how is that denial not occurring on account of his race? We have created the perverse situation where Section 5 effectively mandates its own violation.

Many people who make a habit of reading the Supreme Court tea leaves are cautiously hopeful that Section 5, the constitutionality of which is directly attacked by Shelby County, will be struck down. I am not so hopeful as they. This is the same court, after all, which last year ruled that Congress can tax you for not doing what it cannot constitutionally compel you to do (are we next to see a tax on criminal defendants who refuse to testify? after all, we’re not making them testify against themselves, we’re just taxing them to recover some of the undeniable economic externalities of having to convict criminals without their active cooperation).

Either this country is founded on legal distinctions between groups of people we arbitrarily call “races,” or it is not. If it is, then we might as well have saved ourselves the trouble of a civil war and a civil rights struggle, because this circle will complete itself. If we do not consciously and steadfastly turn our backs on the notion that some groups of people must be treated differently because of arbitrarily-chosen physical characteristics, then eventually we get back to where we were in the 1890s, when Plessy was the law of the land. If it is not so founded, then Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act needs to be composted.

Update [25 June 2013]:  And the ruling is in.  Section 5, at least insofar as it relies on a formula cobbled together in the 1960s, and which no one alleges can still be shown to exist anywhere, is unconsitutional.  Full opinion here.  Haven’t read the full thing yet (Thomas’s concurring opinion is, as usual, the most straightforward of the lot), but the take by the professional tea-readers is that it’s going to be awfully hard for Congress to come up with a formula that will pass muster.  Which means it’s going to be interesting to see Congress try to reimpose the ability for a left-wing bureaucracy to bugger around only those states not likely to vote for Democrat candidates.

Angie Shows Barry How It’s Done

Back in 2009, when the flames of the collapse were still climbing to the heavens and no one really knew where the bottom was going to turn out to be, the newly-elected American president — Dear Leader, we’ll call him — had his folks in Congress ramrod through a $780+ billion “stimulus” package to keep unemployment under 8% and get us back down to 5% unemployment by what is now several years ago.  In fact, that’s how the “stimulus” was billed and sold, as a mechanism to keep ordinary Joes and Janes at work.  At the time the “stimulus” was pushed through Congress, on a largely party-line vote, there were dissenting voices who had the ill graces to point out that the “stimulus” bill was really the last 40 years of Democrat Party Christmas wish list.  It was overwhelmingly targeted towards keeping state and local government employment rolls topped up, and even expanded.  And so it turned out to be:  The private sector shed millions of jobs, most of which haven’t come back yet, either in an absolute sense or in the sense of keeping up with population growth among the working age.  Labor force participation rates are in the 65% range, lower than they’ve been in nearly 40 years.  The U6 unemployment data, which captures not only those actively looking for work, but also those who’ve dropped out of the game from disappointment or despair, has been hovering in the 14-16% range for months and months and months.  Even nominal unemployment has only in the past month or so dropped below 8% . . . and most of that drop is attributable to ever more people giving up on ever finding work again, and so dropping out of the labor force entirely.  During this time government employment rolls barely shrank at all.

We’re now well over 1,400 days since the last federal budget.  We’re $6 trillion deeper in debt than when Dear Leader began his first term.  Other than soak-the-rich, we’ve heard nothing in the way of suggestions to get the country back to work.  On the contrary, we have an EPA which, by executive fiat, has intentionally set out to decimate the country’s electrical generation capacity.  We’re sitting on top of the largest discoveries of petroleum and natural gas in history (literally:  in the Green River Formation they’re estimating as much petroleum as has been used in all human history, since they first started pumping the stuff in 1859 on Oil Creek in Pennsylvania), and Dear Leader sits placidly by while his agencies and allies erect roadblock after roadblock to their exploitation . . . while a gallon of regular gas costs $3.70 or more in most of the country.  We’ve enacted a “healthcare reform” program the mathematical consequences of which will inevitably be the bankrupting of the private insurance industry, leaving a formal government take-over as the only remaining option.  “Never let a good crisis go to waste,” as one of Dear Leader’s least savory advisors famously quipped, and if you can’t find something that’s wrecked, why, you just go out and wreck it yourself.  There’s your crisis.  Dear Leader has got business so spooked by his incessant demonization and vindictiveness that they’re too damned scared to hire or invest.  They don’t know how much of what they make they’ll be allowed to keep.  We’ve enacted a monstrosity of a financial sector “reform” one of the side effects of which will be to destroy the community banking industry (where do Dear Leader and his cronies suppose small business America banks?) by imposing on it compliance costs it will never be able to recover from its customer base.

And so America drifts, out of work, decaying, directionless, the plaything of a tribe bent on fundamentally changing the structure of American society and the relationship between Americans and their governments.

At the same time Dear Leader was borrowing and spending his way into the hole, the Germans went the other way.  They began looking for ways to spend less.  Dear Leader even lectured Chancellor Angela Merkel about the un-wisdom of “austerity” measures when what was really needed was going on a toot like a crowd of drunken sailors on their first shore liberty in ten years.  Merkel, who unlike Dear Leader actually has some demonstrated intellectual horsepower (before she went into politics she was a practicing physicist, as opposed to a “community organizer”), politely told Dear Leader to mind his own business.

Germany’s new budget proposals for 2014 (“budget”? what’s that? what does a “budget” look like?) project the lowest levels of new borrowings in 40 years.  In 2015 the budget will be balanced, and in 2016 they’re looking at €5 billion surplus.  Being Germans, what are they proposing to do with that surplus?  Right:  Pay down their accumulated debt (which is €1.3 trillion).  Does anyone seriously suppose that any American government with a budget surplus wouldn’t tear out and spend it?

What Germany’s accomplished is even more remarkable when you consider not only its overall history but more particularly what’s been going on the past few years.  For starts, most of the post-war reconstruction in Germany was not financed by things like the Marshall Plan (both France and Britain, with much lower levels of destruction, got much more money out of Uncle Sugar).  The entire eastern quarter, in fact, was ruthlessly plundered by the Soviet Union.  Western Germany largely re-built itself.  After reunification, it then turned around and re-built the former East Germany as well, the physical plant of which had been studiously neglected for 45 years in order to keep up a massive military and secret police apparatus.  West Germany itself had also contributed to its own defense as well, after 1955.  Granted, it did not have the overseas commitments of the U.S. or Britain, and its total military spending as a percentage of GDP was never as much as half of America’s expenditures.  On the other hand German society also had to pay for stuff that America hasn’t.  Like food; Germany hasn’t been self-sufficient in foodstuffs since before World War I.  And energy:  Barring coal, the economically recoverable deposits of which have been played out for 20 years or more, Germany produced roughly zero of its own energy requirements.  And ores:  Germany produces little of its own metal ores (and in an economy the flagships of which are heavy industry and chemicals, that’s a hard nut to crack).  And then in the last two or three years,  Germany has been propping up entire countries across Europe’s southern fringe.  Most of the money that’s keeping the lights on in Greece and Italy is coming out of Germany.

Yes, Germany has much higher income taxes than America does.  But in point of fact they’ve been reduced, somewhat, in recent years.  Germany also turned away from its single-payer healthcare system.  And German taxes on capital gains and businesses are significantly less than their American equivalents.  But mostly what Germany brings to the table is a cultural memory of the Weimar years, and what came afterward.  This instills in them a discipline that America, the Land of Perpetual Plenty, of Wish-it-True, simply lacks.  America has had downturns here and there.  So has everyone.  But only on three occasions has the fabric of the American economy had gaping holes blown in it, the kind that take years if not decades to mend:  in 1837, 1873, and 1929.  No one is left to remember anyone’s first-hand tales of the first two.  While the Great Depression was awful in the U.S., it was cataclysmic in Germany.  Most of what Germans thought to be their late 1920s prosperity, such as it was (remember this was after the terrible inflation of 1923-24), was financed by cheap credit from the U.S.  When America no longer had money to lend, and when the rocket scientists in Congress came up with the Smoot-Hawley Tariff, thereby blowing up large chunks of the international trade economy, suddenly Germany had no credit sources and their economy, which since the 1870s had been highly dependent on exports, just disintegrated.  Today’s German leaders aren’t old enough to have personal memories of the 1920s, but at least some of their parents were, and certainly their grandparents were.  And they’ll have heard stories about family fortunes blasted to bits, about lifetimes of effort brought to naught, about hopes destroyed and opportunities forever denied.  And then of course came the Nazis, and the war, and the Soviets.

So we and Germany have chosen divergent paths, it seems.  Curiosity suggests it will be interesting to see where they end up.  A solicitude for my children’s future terrifies me at the thought.

Hot off the Presses! Human Nature is Still Human Nature

An apparently moderately well-known (but not all that well-known, it seems) “character actor” is stopped and frisked by a sales clerk in a deli on the Upper West Side of Manhattan. The store clerk thought he saw a little hocus-pocus with the merchandise. It turns out the clerk was wrong. No dialogue of the encounter is given.

The actor in question is black. The ethnic data on the clerk is not given. According to a commenter here, at the deli in question, a venue rejoicing in the name of Milano’s, all the help is Hispanic, African, or “Muslim” (by which I take it he means of apparently Middle Eastern extraction. Per this commenter, there is no “white” (in the stereotypical sense) help in those little markets in that part of town. It’s been seventeen years since I last lived in that neck of the woods, and so my memories are blurred. I do recall that I couldn’t afford to patronize the snazzier joints up and down Broadway, where this particular place is located; a bagel from Hamilton’s on Amsterdam right across from campus was about my speed, and that had to last from mid-morning until supper, usually.

According to Our Author, the whole thing is obviously a case study in racism.

Let’s let Our Author set the stage: “The deli where Whitaker was harassed happens to be in my neighborhood. Columbia University is up the street. Broadway, the main drag, is dotted with nice restaurants and classy bars that cater to beautiful people. I like my neighborhood.” Get that? “Nice restaurants” and “classy bars” that cater to “beautiful people”; not to people like them . . . you know . . . them. But to “beautiful people,” people who read The New York Times. People like us. Our kind. Good people

In the aftermath of The Incident, Our Author has “read and listened to interviews with the owner of the establishment. He is apologetic to a fault and is sincerely mortified. He says that it was a ‘sincere mistake’ made by a ‘decent man’ who was “just doing his job.’ I believe him.” That is, however, according to Our Author, not quite good enough. 

“The idea that racism lives in the heart of particularly evil individuals, as opposed to the heart of a democratic society, is reinforcing to anyone who might, from time to time, find their tongue sprinting ahead of their discretion. We can forgive Whitaker’s assailant. [huh? ed.] Much harder to forgive is all that makes Whitaker stand out in the first place. New York is a city, like most in America, that bears the scars of redlining, blockbusting and urban renewal. The ghost of those policies haunts us in a wealth gap between blacks and whites that has actually gotten worse over the past 20 years.” 

I do remember this much about the neighborhood Our Author is describing – you know, the neighborhood where they “cater to beautiful people.” No person of any color, of any nationality, of any physical attribute, or even of any observable behavior at all, stands out there. No one. I used to delight in wearing my Liberty bib overalls (we call ‘em “overhauls” around here, but then around here we don’t cater to beautiful people) about the place and with my . . . errrmmmm . . . unmistakable accent, I came as close to “standing out” as anything I saw during three years. And I still didn’t stand out. So the suggestion that this actor somehow “stood out” because of the color of his skin in a place that is swarming with people who, except that their mugs haven’t graced either large or small screens, are utterly indistinguishable in that respect at least from Veteran Character Actor is just risible. 

Secondly, that part of Manhattan doesn’t “bear the scars of redlining, blockbusting, and urban renewal.” It bears the “scars” of a gargantuan tax-exempt hegemon that as of the mid-1990s owned all but one single building in that entire part of town. When you don’t have to pay taxes on what you rake in or on what you own, and when the folks who want to give you tons of money so you’ll paste their names on a wall somewhere can also claim a deduction against their ordinary income taxes up to 50% of their A.G.I. during any year for what they fork over, with unlimited carry-forwards of the excess, it’s hard to find a prospective purchaser to compete against you.  If any part of New York City can be considered a protected little bubble of smug endowed socialist outrage, its own biosphere of wealth-despising trust fund babies, the area around Columbia University is it.

Thirdly, and this is something you don’t necessarily pick up on unless you’ve lived there for some while, but there isn’t really “a” New York City. You can go fifteen blocks in almost any direction and find yourself in a socio-economic atmosphere that bears scant resemblance to where you were thirty minutes ago. The “wealth gap between blacks and whites” that so exercises Our Author is not a wealth gap between “blacks and whites,” but between a very narrow slice of whites and Every Damned Body Else. As noted in one of the most self-absorbed bits of navel-gazing to be published in recent memory, New York is becoming a city of a small number of extraordinarily wealthy people, who are waited on, preyed on, and served by a large number of people who are increasingly drawn from the bottom ranges of the wealth-and-income continuum. It’s not so much that the blacks (or any other group) have got measurably poorer as that the ever-increasing cost of living in New York is running off ever greater swathes of the middle ranges, a goodly number of whom are, of course, themselves black. It’s the poorer who can’t afford to move (they can’t pack up their government housing, for one thing). Our Author neither notes the demographic catastrophe playing out in New York, nor does he note that the root causes of the eternal ratcheting up of the cost of living are in large measure policy preferences adopted to soothe the sensibilities of the sorts of “beautiful people” catered to in the “classy bars” which make Our Author’s neighborhood so pleasant for him. Irony, like subtlety, is a lost art. 

Fourthly, and this is a point that escapes Our Author, as it does most “beautiful people”: Shoplifting is a non-insurable risk. It’s not unreasonable to suppose that well over 1,000 people a day come through even one of those tiny little shop-front establishments in that part of town (if you’re open from 7:00 a.m. to 6:00 p.m. that’s eleven hours and it’s not at all a stretch to run 90 people per hour through, especially if not all of them actually buy). If only 3% of those people – 30, total – are shoplifters, and if they steal only something worth $2.50 each, that’s $75.00 per day the store has lost. At $9.00 per hour for a store clerk (yeah: I know, that’s a lot of money for a clerk but then again prevailing wages in Manhattan perforce have to be higher) the shoplifters have just about added an entire employee to the store’s overhead. In fact, you might say that shoplifters at one single store are keeping one person out of a job that might tide him over after unemployment runs out. Now multiply that by the thirty or so stores which might be in the one-seventh of a mile along an avenue between numbered cross-streets in Manhattan. So the prudent store owner’s staff is going to err, if anything, on the side of over-vigilance, because unlike “beautiful people,” us regular trash lose our jobs when the boss man hits hard times. 

Our Author is a columnist whose regular gig is The Atlantic. I don’t think it a stretch to suppose that he counts himself among the “beautiful people” catered to by the “classy” places he describes. He’s black, too. So, apparently, is his wife. What Ed Driscoll calls the “bombshell” comes at the end of the piece. When Our Author’s wife was six, some white person addressed her cousin with a particular racial epithet. Since then she’s been more or less “at war” with white people in general. I don’t know if I’d go so far as to label her a “racist,” as some have who have weighed in on the story. I will observe, though, that there is no logical stopping point for her way of thinking. It could be used to justify unthinking animosity towards the general members of any identifiable group based upon the vicarious (or even personal; I’m sure Our Author’s wife has been herself addressed with the same expression during the course of her life since then) outrage committed by one member of that group. 

Does Our Author’s wife concede the same right of personal “warfare” to all Americans of Korean extraction, based upon the undeniable outrages committed during the Los Angeles riots against the persons and property of such persons by people who . . . uummmm . . . superficially look a great deal like Our Author, his wife, and their son for whom she feels such understandable solicitude? I know, not well or very personally, but certainly enough to maintain a polite conversation, someone whose mother and step-father were struck head-on by a drunk driver who happened to be an illegal immigrant from Mexico, and who had a string of felony arrests (including drunk driving, by the way). Under no set of circumstances ought this person to have been in the United States at all and certainly not at large and behind the wheel of a car. They both died at the scene. Is this person’s tragedy a justification for her, me, or anyone else to nurture a hatred of all immigrants from Mexico and their descendants? 

Our Author, who by the way appears to enjoy a rather comfortable standard of living, or at least comfortable enough to patronize, several times a day, the sort of place where “beautiful people” go to be catered to, sadly finds that “racism” lives not, or even principally, in the “hearts of particularly evil individuals, but in the heart of a democratic society[.]” Apart from the subtle anthropomorphism of attributing human motivation to an impersonal agglomeration of individuals who have bugger all to do with each other, Our Author could use a bit of a history lesson. Particular forms of political organization have nothing at all to do with whether or how any one group may stand on the necks of other groups. Ancient Athens, the paragon of direct participatory democracy – gave us the word itself, they did – was a slave society. Its sister and deadly foe Sparta, certainly among the most egalitarian of societies, even though a monarchy, ritually declared war each year on its helots, so that they might be plundered and even killed with impunity by a Spartan. The Greeks even gave us the notion of the “barbarian” as The Other incarnate, the repository of everyone who was Not Greek; if that isn’t bigotry then nothing is. 

Rome, which gave us the republican form of government which we in the United States presently enjoy (Our Author might examine the relevant passages from the U.S. Constitution, which guarantee to each state a “republican form of government,” not a democracy), was likewise a slave society, and it was chattel slavery, too. If you were a Greek or Syrian or German or British slave your children and their children after them were likewise slaves. 

Bigotry is not something that lives in societies. It is something that dwells within each and every last one of us. Our Author, for whom the world seems to have begun with his own birth, does not pause to reflect that the ability to recognize and react against The Other is not just some social construct wrought by the descendants of one group of settlers upon the backs of another group of involuntary settlers. It is a biological defense mechanism. In primitive, tribal life, the man who is an outcast is dead. The Mark of Cain was a protective mark placed by God on Cain, in response to Cain’s plea that every man’s hand would be raised against him. Cain was right. In a world of hunter-gatherers (and folks, that’s all of human history bar the last 10,000 or so years; “classy bars” catering to “beautiful people” are decidedly a recent feature of human existence), if you strip that branch of berries before I get to it, I, my mate, and my children go hungry. It’s as simple as that. So if I fail to recognize and engage The Other, my own genetic material gets intercepted. 

As with any hard-wired human defense mechanism, such as the fight-or-flight response, it takes a great deal of psychic energy to overcome the inclination to recognize and bar The Other. How we define The Other is of course partly voluntary (show up in a group of school teachers and let drop that you were at the most recent Tea Party organizing session and see, Sesame Street-fashion, which One of These Things Does Not Belong), but it’s also involuntary. It’s conditioned by what we know of particular groups at very gross-level generalizations. Jesse Jackson (Sr.) once famously observed how humiliating he found it to hear footsteps behind him, turn around, and be relieved to find it was a white man as opposed to a black one. Surely Our Author will absolve St. Jackson from the imputation of racism? I mean, let’s say that you’re in line at a bank. There’s some guy in the next line over. White guy. He’s got a calf-length dark coat on, buttoned loosely. He’s got a full beard and a hat pulled down straight on his head. He’s not looking to the right or the left. He’s got his hands buried in the pockets. Are you comforted by his appearance, or not? Now add the side locks of a Hasidic Jew to the picture and ask yourself that same question again. Are you a bigot? Or is it just that you find the notion of an Orthodox bank robber silly because no one’s ever heard of such?  Or let’s suppose a group of eight or ten young males walking down the street in a group.  Longish hair, unshaven, all of them in clothing of the same style and colors.  Big heavy boots on their feet.  They’re speaking among themselves in a language that sounds a lot like English, but it sure isn’t any kind of English you’re used to hearing.  Gang members, maybe?  Now let’s put them in the blue trousers, white shirts, black braces, and straw hats of the Amish.  Think you’re a bigot?

You’ll notice in both my examples above that the stereotype that comes to mind is of a group about whom the objectionable behavior you might viscerally sense is known to be a behavior not widely — or even at all all — engaged in by members of that group.  Now, other than the fact that he’s presumptively one of the “beautiful people,” what precisely about Veteran Character Actor’s appearance alone was supposed to exclude in the store clerk’s mind the possibility of his being a shoplifter?

I could go on. But why? 

The whole point, if you can call it that, of Our Author’s column is that he must confront the discovery of racism even in “the good people,” the people who cater to “beautiful people” such as himself. The people who read The New York Times, who’ve never set foot in fly-over country, who don’t even know anyone who voted for Nixon. So, world-weary (and utterly unreflective), he turns his back on the good people. He’s had all of good people he can take. Let’s not disturb his moment of cognitive dissonance, in which even people so self-evidently “good” as to live and work in a part of the country that voted 90%+ for Dear Leader, who believe to the point of ecstasy in anthropogenic Global Warming, who religiously recycle their trash and buy only certified “organic” fruit and whatnot, can be so “racist” as to mistakenly suppose that a patron obviously so discerning as to go where they know how to cater to the “beautiful people” might be a shoplifter.  And certainly let’s not belch in his chapel and question whether this whole story actually does have anything at all to do with Veteran Character Actor’s skin color.

Poor man. It’s hard to be gob-smacked, even if only metaphorically and vicariously, by one of the canaille, the Pöbel, the plebs.

 

And This is Why the Republicans are Where They Are

[Note:  I’ve been off dying for the better part of the past week.  Well, not exactly dying, but it sure felt a great deal like it over the weekend, and like Strom Thurmond whatever invaded my lungs didn’t know when to pack its bags and leave gracefully.]

The past couple of days have witnessed a good old-fashioned political show that is vaguely reminiscent of the days when the U.S. Senate might have earned its self-proclaimed moniker of the greatest deliberative body in the world.  A still fairly-junior senator from Kentucky decided Wednesday, and apparently on the fly, that he was going to filibuster the nomination of John Brennan, one of Dear Leader’s more unsavory characters, to be head of the CIA.  Senate rules allow him to do that.  He exercised his right to hold the floor until physically unable to do so for the purpose of extracting a yes-or-no answer to a fairly straightforward question:  Does this administration claim it has the lawful authority to order the extra-judicial killing (that is, no warrant, no indictment, no evidence, no trial, no verdict) of an American citizen on American soil who does not pose an imminent risk of violent harm?  

I’ve not heard anyone dispute that, for example, Geo. W. Bush could have ordered fighter interceptors to shoot down any of the Sept. 11 aircraft had we had sufficient advance notice of their intentions.  My understanding (admittedly incomplete) is that under certain circumstances of civic unrest, such as massive rioting (think Los Angeles in the wake of the first Rodney King verdict) or natural disaster (Katrina), shoot-to-kill orders are lawful.  But all those involve targets who are actually, you know, doing something which, if violent intervention is not interposed right-now-this-minute, will result in the actual destruction of lives or property.  Rand Paul’s question, phrased colloquially, was whether Dear Leader claimed the right without any judicial process whatsoever and within the territory of the United States, to whack an unarmed someone sitting at a restaurant table eating supper, just because of his involvement in some sort of activity, not actually engaged in at the moment, the objectives of which tended towards violence towards . . . well, someone.

Since the administration leaked an internal memo setting forth its arguments that it does have that authority overseas, several people and organizations have been trying to get a straight answer as to whether Dear Leader claims that authority on U.S. soil.  Eric Holder’s DOJ  issued a really insulting letter to Paul which basically refused to answer the question, and the overall tenor of which was the functional equivalent of telling a female reporter not to worry her pretty little head and doesn’t she know there’s a special on shoes down at Nordstrom’s.  Run along, children, can’t you see daddy’s working on closing a gun-running deal to Mexico?

So Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky decided he was going to shove a spanner into the works.   And so he spoke, and spoke, and spoke.  At first alone, but as the hours went by and it became apparent that he was quite serious about what he was doing, he got some help.  And Twitter exploded in his support, including from some of Dear Leader’s most blinkered cheerleaders.  Paul ended up holding the floor for roughly thirteen hours, the ninth-longest filibuster in Senate history.

But he got his yes-or-no answer yesterday.  Dear Leader, in what may be a first, has disclaimed a legal authority to act on his own whim (which as we all know, is the highest law, an opinion he shares with the late Kaiser Wilhelm II).  For the moment it is not asserted that the president lawfully may, sitting around a table with unknown folks — or even entirely on his own in the watches of the night — issue an order for a Hellfire missile to come screaming out of the clouds and into John Q. Citizen’s bedroom where he lies asleep with his wife and two year-old, solely on the basis that he’s a member of an organization at least some of whose members may have bomb-making equipment and supplies in their garage, over on the other side of town. 

[Side note:  Holder’s letter is an illustration of why English composition class is important.  Look at the adverbial phrase “on American soil”; what does it modify?  Adverbs can modify adjectives, verbs, or other adverbs.  In Holder’s letter the two possibilities are “kill” and “not engaged,” and because of the way the sentence is written you can’t really tell which it is just from reading the text.  If it’s the latter then it’s a reversal of a position which the administration has explicitly taken (and with which I actually agree, but that’s a subject for a future blog post), namely that it may lawfully kill an American overseas who is not at the moment of killing engaged in combat but who is otherwise generally actively engaged in the activities of organizations which do pursue combat against us.  If “no” is the answer to the question whether the president can order the killing of an American, wherever located, who isn’t engaged in combat on American soil, then that’s a major reversal of position.  So I think the only way intelligently to read the sentence consistently with Dear Leader’s already-staked positions is to apply “on American soil” to modify “kill.”]

You’d think this would be, in the language of the Pythons, a happy occasion.  The minority party, which has a reputation for being less concerned with ordinary citizens’ liberties than is desirable, on a point of principle that addresses itself to the most basic nature of the relationship between citizen and state (“Under what circumstances may you lawfully kill me?” than which I suggest no question is more fundamental), and in the face of cynical refusal by an administration which has made bald-faced contempt for constitutional structures of government its habitual mode of proceeding, forces a fairly plain statement of principle from the administration.  Whether from a partisan, bi-partisan, or institutional perspective, what’s not to love about it?

Plenty, according to John McCain of Arizona.  You’ll recall him; he was the feller who did such a good job of keeping in good with the press corps during his 2008 run for the White House that he got his ass handed to him without ever actually engaging his opponent on any of that opponent’s gaping weaknesses.  McCain’s an aviator and a combat survivor.  I’m an old destroyer guy and never came close to hearing a weapon fired in earnest.  But by God we had a saying on our ship that the probability of achieving a kill with an unfired missile was zero.

Since getting to the Senate McCain’s made something of an art form of the unfired missile.  He’s so consumed with the gentility of the Senate that he’d rather abandon just about any position rather than kick up a fuss.  And this is the guy who while a prisoner of war regularly got the snot beat out of him for gratuitously kicking up a fuss with his captors.  He wasn’t willing to vote for his former colleague Hagel, perhaps the least appropriate nominee for civilian head of the armed forces ever.  But he wasn’t willing to use the tools which the Senate’s own rules provide to prevent that nomination from being confirmed.

And now, according to McCain, what Paul did was “mak[e] the ‘offensive’ suggestion that the president could assassinate” non-combatant Americans on American soil; or, rather, that his demand that the president come out and say that he could not lawfully do so was “offensive.”  According to Senator Comity, “To infer that our government would drop a Hellfire missile on Jane Fonda brings the conversation to a ridiculous tone.”  Does it, now, Senator?  Because this administration has already claimed — and in fact has exercised — the power to drop a Hellfire missile on Jane Fonda overseas.  The morality of so-called “targeted killing” (as opposed to indiscriminate killing, in the manner of Dresden?), even in wartime, even in a combat zone, and even against a uniformed member of the enemy’s armed forces, is not a new topic.  To remind Senator Collegiality, that specific question was perceived to be sufficiently legitimate that we actually debated the mission that shot down Admiral Yamamoto. 

So no, Senator Back-Scratch, it is anything but “ridiculous” to ponder the implications of targeted killing.  The moral and legal implications of drone warfare are anything but clear, anything but settled.  It’s likewise not “ridiculous” to ponder those questions in respect of someone who is, so far from being a member of a declared enemy’s armed forces, not actually engaged in combat operations, either at the moment or generally.  Think that’s a distinction without a difference?  How about the guys driving the truck full of Iranian-supplied weaponry versus the guy who is part of Al Qaeda-in-whatever-hell-hole but whose actual job is more or less that of webmaster for one of their communications networks?  As mentioned, Dear Leader has asserted and in fact exercised the power to deal with both those people in identical fashion, if they’re found overseas. And as mentioned I agree with him in that setting.  Why then is it “ridiculous” to ponder the implications of that same distinction within the territorial boundaries of the U.S. and its possessions?

Not to be outdone by Senator PressCorps, Lindsey Graham of South Carolina chimes in with, “This president is not going to use a drone against an innocent person sitting at a café because it would be illegal.  It would be murder.”  Errrmmmm . . . Sen. Graham, isn’t that word “innocent” sort of the whole point?  Holder’s first letter condescendingly refused to disclaim, within U.S. territory, the right to decide who’s “innocent” and who isn’t.  Besides, illegality is nothing very troubling to this tribe.  Dear Leader’s administration has intentionally run large quantities of weapons to Mexican drug cartels, all quite illegally.  It made personal threats against individual employees and officers of bondholders of companies it desired to hand over to its labor union allies, again, illegally.  It directly, and very illegally, intervened in a decision of the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation to stick it to the non-union employees of a General Motors subsidiary in order to top off the pensions of the unionized employees.  It — once more, quite illegally — flat-out lied to a United States court about bailing out a Canadian subsidiary of General Motors in order to get the GM bail-out approved.  And I’m supposed to comfort myself that this outfit won’t do something because it’s illegal?

I’d also remind Sen. Graham and Sen. Limelight that Dear Leader is not going to be the last president of this country.  I don’t know who will be president in six years, or ten, or forty.  But my three sons will have to live under that unknown person’s administration.  If we are silent now as Dear Leader refuses to disclaim the unilateral power of life and death, what is likely to be the state of the debate thirty years from now?  When was the last time that an executive voluntarily relinquished a power his predecessors had either affirmatively claimed or had refused to disclaim?

This sort of muddled thinking, this inability to discern what is actually at issue, this willingness to pull in harness with people and groups whose unabashed tendencies are towards totalitarianism is why the Republican party brand is where it is.  What does this party stand for?  Does it stand for anything?  Does it aim for anything more exalted than just taking back the same reins of power currently held by the other party?  Is there any point at which it is willing to plant its feet, set its face against the winds, and say, “Thus far and no farther”?

Sens Hop-on-my-Bus and Graham are considered elder statesmen of their party.  Perhaps they are.  If they are then that party is in more serious trouble than their most sincere enemies could wish it.

There Truly is Nothing New Under the Sun

Back when Dear Leader was new in office, his chief of staff, Rahm Emanuel, famously observed that you should never “let a good crisis go to waste.”  By that he plainly meant – didn’t even try to hide that he meant it, either — that in the confusion, desperation, and panic of a “crisis” (whether real or manufactured, a point he did not bear down on very much, understandably), a government can get people sufficiently buffaloed that they’ll acquiesce in nonsense that they wouldn’t tolerate under any other circumstances.  The truth of his observation has been borne out in Dear Leader’s subsequent achievements, if you can call them that.

First and foremost of course was the Porkulus Act, which doled out not quite $790 billion, mostly to friends and supporters of the new administration and the party to which it belongs.  Some of it may actually have done some good; a client of mine that is a water and wastewater utility provider got a partial grant that it used to sewer no fewer than seven older neighborhoods, at least some of which had near 40% failure rates in their septic systems.  But the vast majority of the money seems to have gone down the drain of sundry union-friendly government make-work projects.

Then came the disaster of “affordable care,” which was rammed down the throats of an unwilling populace, without its provisions even having been read by the legislators who voted for it. 

And of course we’re coming up on completing our fourth consecutive year without a federal budget, with our most recent quarterly GDP growth rate in negative numbers, a credit downgrade (or is it two now? I forget), stagnant unemployment, job growth numbers which aren’t even keeping up with population growth, and trillions of dollars in additional debt.  Dear Leader refuses to discuss any structural changes to how the U.S. spends money, confining himself to demanding ever higher nominal tax rates from “the rich.”

He’s now issuing reams of “executive orders” to undermine the rights guaranteed to citizens by the Second Amendment.  These orders have been issued in response to a genuinely horrible mass shooting in Connecticut, by a mentally deranged man who had just been served with papers to institutionalize him and which were filed by his own mother (whom he murdered to start his spree).  Dear Leader’s proposals are conceded even by his own DOJ as ineffective to make any serious reduction in gun crime incidence, unless they are accompanied by (i) registration, and (ii) coerced buy-back programs. 

Gun buy-backs?  Unless compulsory and “massive,” they are ineffective.  Even Australia’s, which was specifically targeted at semi-automatic weapons and may well have positively affected the incidence of mass shootings (>4 victims per), had “no effect on crime otherwise.” 

Ban on “large capacity magazines” (you know, the magazines that permit you to engage all three of the guys who just broke into your house without having to stop and re-load)?  The issues here are that they’re a durable good, lasting essentially indefinitely, and there are already millions upon millions upon millions of them floating around.  If you exempt existing magazines lawfully owned you’re talking “decades” before you see any impact.

“Ammunition logs”?  These require merchants to log you every time you purchase ammunition.  Of course, the kind and amount of ammunition you purchase is a good clue as to what kinds of weapons you have and how much use you make of them.  As the DOJ memo notes, the criminal statutes which prohibit certain criminals from owning weapons also pertains to ammunition, but while firearms purchases are subject to background checks, ammunition purchases are all but anonymous.  Creating this sort of log requirement, in addition to an enormous burden on merchants, also establishes, as the DOJ notes, an “intelligence tool to find not only ammunition but also the illegally possessed weapons.”  I’m sure, however, that no law enforcement operatives would ever use such logs to troll for enforcement of an unconstitutional ban on certain kinds of firearms.  This would be the same DOJ that ran a clownishly poorly managed illegal gun-running operation into Mexico (and counterpart programs here domestically) the entire point of which was to supply semi-automatic, large-capacity magazine weapons to known criminal enterprises.  And the study cited by the memo, run by the LAPD, would be from the same folks whose officers have just been outed by a whistle-blower (who’s now subjected to intimidation for his troubles) for buying firearms are steep discounts available to policemen, and turning around and re-selling them (illegally) for handsome profits.

Universal background checks?  Oh, that’s right.  That only works in a world without straw purchasers (e.g. the people the DOJ intentionally permitted to buy the guns in Operation Fast and Furious, but we pass lightly over the several hundred corpses that brainstorm produced), and . . . with universal registration (but of course), and a world in which there are no informal transactions (in other words, your buddy you golf with on Sunday mornings asks what you’d take for that Kimber and you sell it to him).  Even so, the memo notes that straw purchases (q.v.) and theft account for by far the largest number of firearms used in crimes.

So let’s go after straw purchasers.  In plain English, they’re the people who have no criminal history but who either buy intending to deliver the gun to someone they know couldn’t legally buy it (like the folks the Eric Holder DOJ intentionally permitted to buy large quantities of weapons and then walk them over the border to turn them over to the drug cartels), or people who buy the gun intending to let the known impermissible use the gun.  For an example of the latter case, see G. Gordon Liddy, who has mentioned several times on the radio that as a convicted felon he cannot legally possess a firearm.  “Mrs. Liddy, however, owns several.”  Here’s the DOJ on Mrs. Liddy:  “Straw purchasers are the primary source of crime guns. Importantly, straw purchasers have no record of a prohibiting offense. As a result, they are quite different from those who actually commit crimes. Consistent with criminological theory, because the person conducting the straw purchase does not have a criminal history forbidding him or her from making legal purchases, this population could potentially be deterred from initiating this illegal activity.” (emphasis mine)  And how do you deter them?  Well, you threaten to make them criminals.  Hey!  This works even better than we thought!  Let’s create several hundred thousand criminals where none existed before.  It’s not as if there are, from a citizen’s standpoint, any concerns about due process when everything is a crime.

“Assault weapon” ban?  Well, before 1994, “assault weapons” (by which is meant “scary looking long arms,” since actual . . . you know . . . assault weapons, of the sort that McArthur’s troops took ashore at Inchon, have been illegal since 1934) accounted for a whacking 2-8% of all gun homicides.  “Since assault weapons are not a major contributor to US gun homicide and the existing stock of guns is large, an assault weapon ban is unlikely to have an impact on gun violence. If coupled with a gun buyback and no exemptions then it could be effective.”

See a pattern here?  I’ll help the slow-witted:  it’s coercion.  You must “sell” your weapon to the government and there will be zero exemptions.  That you haven’t even a speeding ticket?  Too bad.  Don’t sell and hide it instead in your closet?  Well, just try going to your local Wal-Mart, which now has to keep a log of ammunition sales, and buying a box of .223 Remington.  “Gee, Mr. Murgatroyd, hang on while I go check the back shelves,” says the nice sales clerk while he presses the little red button under the counter.

But why am I blogging about guns, and Dear Leader, and Fast and Furious, and all the fiat regulation on the subject that has gushed forth since Newtown, Connecticut exploded?  Why is it relevant today that Dear Leader’s enforcer quipped that one should never “let a good crisis go to waste”?

It’s important because eighty years ago today, a building burned.  It needed to be burned, at least as an aesthetic proposition.  But when a half-baked communist agitator and arsonist (it may be that he was more arsonist than communist, but that’s not important any more) went and burned the Reichstag, on 27 February 1933, the newly-minted Reichskanzler saw his chance, his crisis which he did not let to to waste.  I mean, can you imagine what Dear Leader would do if someone with a Texas driver’s license torched some government warehouse in Washington, DC?  To say nothing of the Capitol?  Here was a “crisis,” tailor-made to a fellow whose party had polled about 33% of the vote the preceding fall, but who needed a bigger slice of legislative support to do what needed to be done.  And sure enough, Hitler didn’t let that crisis go to waste.  He cajoled President Hindenburg into signing a decree that suspended large chunks of civil rights enjoyed by German citizens and otherwise guaranteed to them by their constitution (much like the Second Amendment guarantees the right, without “infringement,” to “keep and bear arms”).  Using that decree he then ruthlessly suppressed the communists between the fire and the (already-scheduled) national elections of March 5, 1933.  That got him up to not quite 45% of the vote.

But more importantly, it got him, when you excluded the communists, a two-thirds majority in both houses of the German parliament, needed to change their constitution (like reading the Second Amendment out of ours).  I mean, it was a crisis, right?  After all, the (Nazi-controlled) press told them it was.  The (Nazi-controlled) police told them it was.  Field Marshall Hindenburg, as close to a saint as anyone has ever been . . . until a sitting President of the United States of America is likened unto God Himself <excuse begged while post author leans over and vomits on office floor>, told them it was.  And so they got, passed on 23 March 1933, with effectiveness from 27 March 1933, the “Gesetz zur Behebung der Not von Volk und Reich,” the Law for the Relief of the Emergency of People and Reich, better known by its colloquial name, the Ermächtigungsgesetz — the Enabling Act (and boy howdy did it ever).  An English translation of it is here.

When you read the sucker, it’s pretty harmless.  For starts, it had a sunset clause built in:  April 1, 1937 (remind me how that worked out, again?).  Of the referenced provisions, Article 85 § 2 and Article 87 related to budgeting and borrowing, respectively.  One is reminded today that we’re coming up on four straight years without a budget, and that TurboTax Tim Geithner’s Treasury has been issuing debt as fast as The Ben Bernanke’s federal reserve can make up the money from thin air to buy it.  Articles 68 through 77 relate to how laws are to be passed.  The law provides that those articles do not apply to laws passed pursuant to the Act.  Can anyone say, “executive orders”?

What does the Act actually do?  It merely permits the Reich government to pass laws.  It doesn’t strip the legislative branch of its own capacity to do so but rather creates an alternative route to legal validity.  The Act provides that laws promulgated by the executive (the “Reichsregierung”) may “depart from the constitution” except to the extent that they impinge on the institutions of the legislative houses “as such.”  Well, isn’t that a comfort?  What we see here is the classic politicians’ behavior of making sure of oneself and bugger the rest of the show.  By the latter phrase I refer explicitly to those provisions of the German constitution — Articles 68 through 77 — which provided numerous avenues to veto enactments of parliament, including specifically through the mechanism of a plebiscite.  Sure wouldn’t want all them smelly ol’ Tea Partiers to interfere, would we?

So what I am trying to say here?  Am I insinuating that Dear Leader is a closet national socialist?  No.  But he is a socialist; in fact he is pretty plainly a marxist, in his understanding of how wealth is created and by whom and under what circumstances, and even more to the point, in how he understands the correct relationship between the individual and the State.  He certainly is more than willing to make up powers for himself — much like that Egyptian feller, Morsi — which attack the very constitutional fundaments of civil society, “departing” from the constitution “for the relief of the emergency” of the people and the country (as if the mass murder by some lunatic in Connecticut somehow creates a crying emergency for me here, well over a thousand miles away).  He pretty openly despises the notion that his Vision of what is right and expedient ought be constrained by anything other than his ability to muster sufficient force to implement it.  His respect for Congress can be easily extrapolated from the rousing 0-98 vote which his last proposed budget received in the Senate, the house of Congress still controlled by his own party.  He doesn’t even have sufficient respect for them to send them something that a single member can vote for and look his constituents in the eye.  To use a perhaps crude metaphor, he treats the legislative branch, a co-equal branch and in fact the pimus inter pares of the Constitution, much as the junior varsity football squad would treat the acknowledged slut of the high school.  And like the lick-spittles they are, they come crawling back for more of the same.

And so today, on the 80th anniversary of the burning of the Reichstag, a “crisis” which was not let go to waste, we appropriately pause to ask ourselves precisely where the tendency of Dear Leader’s actions lies.  How easy or difficult will it be to get the toothpaste of his eight years in office back into the tube?  Having once admitted that a single person can simply make up the laws of the United States as he goes; that he can decree the killing of any person, citizen or no, based upon his decision that this person might be a danger to . . . what?; that he can pledge the full faith and credit of a mighty economy of a third of a billion people, how can we go back?  How can we hold in check another, future president, one even less inclinded to accept limits on his actions than this one? 

As objectionable as Dear Leader’s actions are, and they are, they are even more alarming when placed in the context of the constitutional history of the United States.  Andrew Jackson was roundly excoriated for exercising his veto power not based upon whether a passed piece of legislation was within the constitutional power of Congress to adopt it, but rather based on whether he agreed with it.  He was called, in outrage, “King Andrew.”  From his kingdom we have evolved (or degenerated into) the imperial presidency, in which the chief executive makes war without so much as a by-your-leave to Congress. 

My boys are ten years old and down.  What will be the fruits of Dear Leader’s administration forty years down the line?  Do I dare trust that future president to have the moral integrity which Dear Leader boasts of lacking?

To borrow a line from the late Mr. Justice Holmes:  To ask that question is to answer it.