This is What it was Supposedly About?

Last night I watched The Interview, the movie the forthcoming release of which was allegedly the impetus behind a massive hack of Sony.  Almost immediately responsibility for the hack was ascribed to North Korea.  I understand that those much more knowledgeable on the subject have since cast earnest doubt on whether that was in fact the case.  On two occasions since someone has shut down North Korea’s internet access with various forms of attack.

And so forth, in other words.

We are told that North Korea was moved to hack Sony, which made the movie, by anger at the movie’s portrayal not only of their shitty little country, but also by the pretty graphic depiction of Kim Jong Un’s assassination at the hands of two — well, “unprepossessing” is about the most charitable expression — American pop-culture television clowns.

Don’t get me wrong.  This little snot who’s running North Korea is perfectly capable of not taking a joke, and reacting in ways that are massively beyond any reason.  Among his earlier noteworthy killings was of a general whom he thought insufficiently enthusiastic about his accession upon Kim’s pappy’s death.  He had the officer tied to a stake which had been sunk into the ground at a point on which multiple artillery pieces had been painstakingly registered.  Then they blew him to shreds.  Later on he had an uncle arrested and not only had him killed but apparently his entire family as well, including spouses and youngest descendants, small children.  I saw reports — can’t say whether they were ever confirmed — that he had uncle killed by setting a pack of dogs on him that had been starved for an extended period.  So they ate him alive.

But this movie?  It’s neither very funny nor very insightful.  “Sophomoric” gives it a bit more credit than it’s due.  I’d put it at somewhere around seventh-grade level, because that’s about the oldest that you can reliably expect children to be intrigued by the clumsy sight gags (most involving gratuitous fake blood and suchlike).  Every character in it — including the two leads — is pasteboard.  Yes, I understand:  It’s a comedy, and in a comedy you don’t go looking for development, depth, irony, contradiction, or really much of the rest of what makes humans interesting to observe.  I’m judging it by the standards of other funny movies, and these characters are still pasteboard.

The closest it gets to a serious moment is when one of the leads strolls into a storefront — implausibly left unlocked — and discovers that what he thought was a bustling, well-stock corner grocery is actually fake fruits and vegetables in bins set out in front of photo panels of packed shelves and gleaming aisles.  He stomps on a few pieces of the fake stuff, grabs a couple, steps back out onto the sidewalk and screams, “Liar!” at the top of his lungs at one of the ubiquitous enormous pictures of Li’l Kim that confront the viewer everywhere in that country.  A close second comes in the actual interview itself when the same character asks Kim if he doesn’t think his people deserve some sort of reward for having endured all the decades of assault and hostility from the entire rest of the world.  Kim of course agrees, and then interviewer asks him, “So why don’t you feed them?”

That’s it.  Two minutes, tops, out of the entire movie.

The Sony hack involved the release of e-mails in which their senior executives make the mistake of being entirely honest about some of their products and performers.  I’ll confess to no small glee when I read of Angelina Jolie being described as a minimally-talented, spoiled brat of an actress, or something like that.  Whatever else she may be, she is emphatically not, as she is characterized on the cover of a recent pop-culture rag, “intriguing” in any degree, either in herself or in relation to anyone or anything else.  Nice figure and all, at least to the extent it’s actually hers and not the product of a surgeon’s knife, but I’ve never seen her in any performance, or read or heard any pronouncement by her, that suggests she’s any more intriguing than the squeegee man who smears your windshield as you wait for the light to change.  But dear ol’ Angie makes a raft-load of money for Sony, and so it savors of delightful malice to have the bigwigs call her out.  “Very awkward, by God!” as the Duke of Wellington observed about William IV’s public rant at the Duchess of Kent (which scene is accurately portrayed in The Young Victoria, by the way, but sadly without working in the Iron Duke’s comment).

So were it not for the release of those inconvenient e-mails I’d suspect the hack of being a false-flag operation by Sony to drum up interest in an entirely forgettable movie.  As it is, this movie will pull in vastly more money than it ever deserves, and more of a fuss will be made about it than it could possibly merit.  If it was North Korea who cracked open the seal at Sony, all they’ve done is learn something about the Streisand Effect.

Don’t Reckon That’d Happen Around Here

Once upon a time, many years ago, when I’d just got back here after law skool in the Great Big City, our firm’s bookkeeper answered the phone and then went tearing out the door.  I asked what was up.  The answer was that their cows were wandering around the town where they live.

I observed, to no one in particular, “I bet my friends who went to Skadden don’t have this sort of thing happen very often around the office.”

From my dear ol’ Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung we have a report from Klein Behnitz, which from the perspective of Google Earth appears to be a wide spot in the road in Brandenburg.

A 70-year-old farmer was “apparently” unable to deal with his 30 cows.  He was semi-retired, it seems, and only kept the cows . . . well, for the same reasons a lot of farmers keep livestock well past the time that they’re physically able to meet the full demands of farming.  As Solzhenitsyn pointed out, the connection between the peasant and his animals was among the lesser-recognized cultural tragedies of Stalin’s collectivization policies.  These people and their ancestors for centuries had lived cheek-by-jowl with their horses, cows, pigs, sheep, geese, ducks, chickens, and so forth.  And in a flash it was all taken away from them and they were shipped hundreds or thousands of miles away, to the depths of the taiga, to chop down trees.  Or just to starve or freeze to death.

Anyone want to bet that this 70-year-old was desperately hanging on to his life as “farmer,” and these cows were all he had left to do that?  The article mentions that his property, in the middle of the village, it seems, had up until recently always been “exemplary.”  But now it had “got above his head.”  And — heaven forfend! — he failed to watch over his cows sometimes, and — o! the horror of it all — in recent times his cows were “even running in the street.”  God save the mark.

So the government came to take his livestock from him.

They arrived this morning with their cattle trailers and he shot one of them with his shotgun, killing him.

I wasn’t there.  I’ve never been there.  So I don’t know what kind of a place Klein Behnitz is, other than from the perspective of however many miles in space Google takes pictures from.  But I’ve been in a lot of places like it.  And I have to ask myself where were this fellow’s neighbors?  If he can’t take care of his cows on his own, wasn’t there anyone at all in his village who could have pitched in, just a little?  Couldn’t they have taken turns?  Around here your cows get out in the road and, while you’re expected to come get them yourself, it’s also expected that your neighbors will help out if they can.

Maybe Klein Behnitz just got tired of an old man who wasn’t up to it any more.  I dunno.  But the government came to destroy a man’s very identity, and now another man is dead.

Someone explain to me how this demonstrates that “government is just another name for what we all do together.”

PEGIDA and the Projection of the Leftists

Once upon a time I used CNN’s web site as my internet start page.  As Inspector Clouseau would say, not any more.  Ever since 2006, when CNN joyfully enlisted itself in Al Qaeda’s effort to throw the mid-term elections by releasing a propaganda film showing American troops being shot by terrorists, by broadcasting and re-broadcasting the short film, I have used the web site of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung as my start page.  It’s a convenient way to keep my language skills from completely atrophying, and it can provide some extremely interesting cross-fixes on issues that concern not only Germany and Europe, but the entire world.  Without going into the subject too deeply, each society has its baggage, baggage which prevents certain topics from being discussed as honestly as in places which don’t have that specific baggage to carry.  Just by way of example, here in the U.S. it’s the legacy of chattel slavery; in Germany it’s the legacy of the Holocaust; in Britain it’s the legacy of the Empire; in Russia it’s the omerta which still hangs over a world full of collaborators in the most murderous ideology every to have plagued the Western world.

All of which is a very roundabout way of saying I’ve been, not exactly monitoring, but paying some degree of attention to a group that has coalesced in Germany in recent months and which calls itself Patriotische Europäer Gegen Islamisierung des Abendlandes, or PEGIDA.  Translated that works out in round numbers to Patriotic Europeans Against Islamization of the Occident.  I say “coalesced” because it’s not really terribly plain what sort of organizational structure, if any, they have.  In this respect they bear a more than passing resemblance to the Tea Party movement here.  It does not appear to be an astroturf movement, like MoveOn.org, or the Pew Foundation, or a front group for operations who dare not present themselves in daylight, as was the case for the communist/anarchist/terrorist backers of the “Occupy” groups.  It appears to be a more or less genuinely grassroots outfit, for the time being.  That’s neither speaking good or ill of it, only that the demonstrators are — at least at the moment — by and large unguided.  Again, that could bode well or ill, depending on how things develop.  They’re not being used, which is good, but then they’re ripe for being used, which is bad.

The center of gravity of PEGIDA seems to be in Dresden, although demonstrations have occurred elsewhere, most prominently in Cologne, where the cathedral doyens took it upon themselves to cut the lights off at the cathedral so that it couldn’t be used as a photo-backdrop.  Whatever.  Every Monday in Dresden they turn out by the thousand to march for, or against, whatever it is they think they’re doing it for.  Their first such march of 2015 drew something like 18,000 participants.  It’s been claimed that Dresden being the focal point is curious because there are so many fewer Muslims there than elsewhere in Germany.  I’m not sure that’s all that inexplicable; it’s why, after all, you find firefighting equipment and conduct fire drills in buildings that aren’t already burning.

But what’s this all about?  The PEGIDA movement is universally described as “right-wing” and “anti-immigrant”:  Publications from the predictable to those which ought to know better join in.  A few samplings:

The Guardian tells us, “German anti-immigrant groups have been quick to respond to the murderous attacks in Paris saying they are proof of the significant threat posed by Islamists[.]  Pegida, or Patriotic Europeans against the Islamisation of the Western World, a right-wing populist group which has been gaining support in weekly demonstrations since October, said in a statement that the attacks confirmed their views.”

From National Review, we have:  “it does seem that the rise of Pegida is yet another example of the truth of Mark Steyn’s maxim that I will quote yet again:  ‘If the political culture forbids respectable politicians from raising certain topics, then the electorate will turn to unrespectable ones.'”  In the author’s defense, he does observe that at least some of the participants in this movement have . . . ummmmmm . . . other affiliations which are partially or wholly objectionable.  On the other hand, he ought to know better than to tar with a single brush a movement which is (again, thus far) so unstructured.  Just because the Democrat Party here enjoys and in fact solicits support from numerous groups whose objectives and methods are abhorrent to the interests of the United States, do we paste single labels on it and its candidates?  How about the NAACP?  Of course not.

EurActiv.com shares with us:  “Pegida defames Islam in general.  At Pegida demonstrations, speakers not only took aim at radical Muslims but at Islam as a whole. Muslim burial rites were criticised, for example.”  The same article also mentions one of the problems with trying to get a grip on who and what PEGIDA is actually about:  “Up until recently, Pegida’s organisers had turned down requests to hold talks with political parties, claiming it desired to remain nonpartisan. Interview requests from German media are also usually rejected by the alliance.”  Gee whiz; level accusations, however thickly padded with code-words (and sometimes not even that veiled), of being a quasi-Nazi resurgence movement, and the people you’re accusing get reluctant to talk with you.  Who could have seen that coming?  And I’ll note that you cannot “defame” an idea; you can disparage it, hold it up to ridicule, even savagely attack it.  But “defamation” is something that is peculiar to people and their reputations (even “trade disparagement” is, at bottom, tied to people’s business reputations).

Newsweek (yeah, it’s still out there, not that anyone cares) labels it an “anti-immigrant movement.”  In a subtle elision of their news section with their reviews of current fiction, they bring us this quotation from the present German Interior Minister:  “German Interior Minister Thomas de Maiziere said the attack in Paris had nothing to do with Islam.  ‘Islamic extremists and Islamic terror are something entirely different from Islam,’ he said. ‘It is immensely important to underscore that difference on a day like today.'”  No.  Seriously.  He really said that.  Gunmen shoot up a newspaper office, shouting that Allah is great! and The Prophet is avenged, and that has “nothing” to do with Islam.

The Beeb goes for the click-bait headline:  Anti-Islam Pegida March in City of Dresden, but then goes on to flirt with heresy to its resolutely leftish agenda:  “What has startled politicians, though, is that many in the crowds at Dresden are not extremists or neo-Nazis. As conservative politician Wolfgang Bosbach puts it, these are concerned mothers and pensioners.”

Slate tells us, “Xenophobia is Going Mainstream in Germany“.  Here we’ve got a good example of the calling-them-Nazis-but-not-using-the-word.  “So far, PEGIDA has been smarter. They are taking the same ideas that traditionally were only voiced by scary guys with shaved heads and armbands—the anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim sentiments—and packaging them in a way that normal middle-class Germans can embrace.”  And what are the “same ideas” shared by “scary guys with shaved heads and armbands”?  Why, those are neo-Nazi outfits.  And sacre bleu! we’ve got folks who explicitly deny being xenophobic and who’ll quote MLK at you “packaging” Nazi ideas so as to dupe regular folks.  But hist!  What’s this:  “PEGIDA’s opponents so far have been trying to dismiss it as part and parcel of a movement that includes people who wave swastikas and try to burn down mosques. “They are clearly Nazis,” one observer in Dresden commented to the New York Times. But to a lot of Germans, that’s not so clear.  PEGIDA has appeal beyond the traditional far-right fringe, and it would be a mistake for German leaders and the media to simply dismiss it.”  Maybe something that 34% of your population thinks has a point isn’t all that far out after all (or maybe it is; recall that Hitler polled over 40% in his last election).

For an article that eschews the customary why-bother-looking labels (although the author can’t resist the frisson-of-fear “shadowy”), we have at BuzzFeed someone who actually seems to have taken a look at at least a few of the actual people involved.

“In an interview at a hotel bar in Dresden’s historic center, [Kathrin] Oertel, the PEGIDA organizer, said that she and a dozen friends felt they had had enough after the Kurdish rebel group PKK and their German supporters held a rally in central Dresden in early October. ‘We don’t want them to carry out their quarrels on our streets,’ she said. ‘This isn’t any of our business.’  * * *  Oertel, 36, a business consultant and mother of three, said that the ‘Islamification’ of her home state of Saxony, where less than 3% of the population are foreigners, may not seem like a problem. ‘The Muslims are making it a problem,’ said Oertel, who has long blonde hair and was dressed all in black. She said it started in her children’s school, where Muslim girls wear headscarves and don’t take part in swimming lessons. ‘I don’t have anything against Christians or Buddhists or Jews,’ Oertel, an atheist, said. ‘They don’t bother me and don’t demand I observe certain rules so as not to offend them.’”

All of the above are other people’s take on it.  Does PEGIDA have anything to say for itself?  Turns out, it does, or rather might, assuming this document is legitimate:  A position paper of what PEGIDA is for, and what it is against:  Among the things they say (editorial aside: they fall prey to the annoying habit of ending every sentence with an exclamation!):

1.    They claim to be for the acceptance of war refugees and the religiously persecuted.

2.    They claim to be for the right and duty of integration into German society (contrast, for example, the official Nazi position that a Jew could never be a German).

3.    They claim to be for a reduction in the case load of social workers attending to asylum seekers’ needs.  They claim it is presently 200:1, which they point out — correctly, I suggest — is the equivalent of no help at all.

4.    In asylum applications, they claim to be for a process similar to Holland’s or Switzerland’s, and an increase in resources to “massively” sink the processing and decision time.

5.    They claim to be for “resistance” to a misogynist, violence-focused political ideology (Islamization is plainly meant) but deny being against resident “integrated” Muslims.

6.    They claim to be for an immigration policy after the models of Canada, South Africa, Switzerland, and Australia.  I’ll mark this one with a “huh?” since I know bugger all about how those places do it.

7.    They claim to be for “sexual self-determination.”  Whatever; I’ll observe that this position alone makes it incompatible with Islam.

8.    They claim to be for the preservation and protection of “our Judeo-Christian” “geprägte” culture.  That last word is significant.  “Prägen” is a verb which means “stamp,” as in to stamp a coin, or to stamp something with characteristics by influence.  It doesn’t imply identity.  This is important, because only a liar or a fool would deny that in fact Western civilization is profoundly stamped by Judeo-Christian ideas, and only a liar could deny that Islam wants nothing at all to do with large swathes of that.

9.    They claim to be for the introduction of plebiscites along the Swiss model.

10.    They claim to be against permitting “parallel societies” to arise, with specific reference to their structuring along the lines of sharia.  This is scarcely a newly-discovered issue in Germany.  The FAZ itself has repeatedly in recent times run articles and even series of articles on the subject.  I wrote at some length about one such here.

11.    They claim to be against radicalism, whether political or religious, and against preachers of hate, of whatever religion.

So that’s what they say about themselves.  They might be lying.  They might be using anodyne phrasing to mask something a very great deal more sinister.  Remember the Nazis came out with a 25-point agenda in 1920, not a single point of which mentioned  or even came close to implying the slaughter of every Jew in every corner of Europe they could lay hands on.  Said nothing about invading Eastern Europe and starving to death every Slav whom they didn’t work to death.  On the other hand, before concluding that whoever put this PEGIDA position paper together really means something different, I’m going to need a great deal more convincing than self-serving statements from mainstream politicians whose fear is transparently one of lost votes and money.  Angela Merkel may huff and puff that these folks are just self-evidently radical right-wingers who shove their little Nazi party pins inside their shirt pockets on the way to the rally, but how much of that is trying to drive a wedge between on the one hand a movement that 34% of her population expresses some degree of sympathy with, and on the other AfD, a nascent fourth party which has put down roots to the right of the CDU/CSU tired-out, anything-to-remain-power coalition?  A couple of years ago The Economist ran a pretty lengthy article on Merkel, and observed that her principal trait was a willingness to embrace the opposition’s position, to under-sell it, so to speak.  That’s just a very polite way of pointing out that you’ll do or say anything just to stay in office.  Nowadays, when the lamestream media no longer controls the discussion, eventually voters will figure you out.  It’s why RINOs in America are so contemptuous of the Tea Party:  These people actually stand for something and are willing to act on their convictions.

Of course, the inability to show that PEGIDA actually means something different from what its says doesn’t stop the professional hand-wringing class from claiming exactly that.  Case in point:  An article in today’s FAZ, “What the Demonstrators of PEGIDA Actually Want“.  Well.  Jolly good thing we’ve got this author to explain it all to us; we might have been fool enough to read PEGIDA’s position paper.  And what do they “actually want”?

“Obviously” they “fear foreigners whom they scarcely know.”  Funny, I’ve not heard that PEGIDA is campaigning against immigration from China, or South America, or even Eastern Europe; as near as I can tell they’re against further infiltration by specifically Islamic foreigners, and against further expansion of the power of Islamic residents over the coduct of society in Germany.  The common element is not place of origin, but rather a specific, aggressive, violent religion (kind of like they say in their position paper, you know).  “Islamization” means they’re afraid that the “culture could so alter itself, that one would feel as if he lived in an Islamic state.”  And then, in what American readers of, e.g., the NYT, will readily recognize as opinion-masquerading-as-reportage, we have the “many think” sleight-of-hand.  “Many think,” this author tells us, that the PEGIDA demonstrators fear “many other things,” and not just Islamization.  Like “losing their job” (the hoary stand-by of the left: you don’t have principles; you’re just in it for the money), or “that one day their pension will be too low” (ditto), or that their money will evaporate and their savings won’t be enough (gee, wonder why in Germany of all places the fear of inflation finds resonance; otherwise: ditto (the link, by the way, is to a picture of a five-billion Mark — RM5,000,000,000 — . . . postage stamp)).  The people in the former DDR have already experienced how, with the collapse of their worker’s and peasant’s paradise, their “conditions of life” can be “completely altered”; “perhaps” they’re just “scared of further change.”

Scared of further change:  The ultimate weasel accusation.  Sort of like Britain was “scared of further change” when it guaranteed Poland’s borders against . . . well . . . against the Germans.  Or like the abolitionists after 1850 were “scared of further change,” like the “change” that the new fugitive slave law was actually going to be enforced, and the slave power was actually entering an aggressively expansionist phase.  Or that the American colonists in the early 1770s were “scared of further change” that the king and Parliament were going to reduce them to vassalage after 150-odd years of letting them by and large run themselves.

But what “further change” might the PEGIDA folks be “scared of”?  Well, like getting your ass shot up by someone shouting Allahu akhbar! because he didn’t like a joke you told.  Or entire suburbs of your national capital being places where it’s just not safe for your own police and firefighters to go, because they’re attacked by Islamic thugs.  Or gangs of Pakistani men gang-raping over 1,400 little girls over the course of 18 or so years.  Or soldiers of your own country being slaughtered in broad daylight because . . . well, because Allah is great (or at least real swell).  Or “honor killings” where teenage girls have their throats slit because daddy doesn’t approve of their boyfriend.  Or entire segments of the population checking out of the law, establishing their own religious courts to mete out sharia justice.  Or competing groups of religiously-motivated thugs fighting it out on the streets of your own cities.  Or having to wonder, every time you get on a train, whether someone’s going to blow it sky-high for the greater glory of a 7th Century pederast.  And so forth.

That fat-headed German Interior Minister deserves to be on the next train that gets blown up.  What happened in Paris this past week has everything, every-damned-thing in the world, to do with Islam as such.  As that el-Sisi boy in Egypt said in exactly so many words (words which the Western press is studiously ignoring):

“Is it possible that 1.6 billion people [Muslims] should want to kill the rest of the world’s inhabitants—that is 7 billion—so that they themselves may live? Impossible! . . . All this that I am telling you, you cannot feel it if you remain trapped within this mindset. You need to step outside of yourselves to be able to observe it and reflect on it from a more enlightened perspective.  I say and repeat again that we are in need of a religious revolution. You, imams, are responsible before Allah. The entire world, I say it again, the entire world is waiting for your next move… because this umma is being torn, it is being destroyed, it is being lost—and it is being lost by our own hands.”

I’m certainly not going to put myself out there as carrying the water for PEGIDA or anyone else.  They may turn out to be dupes or worse.  But to point out that Islamization of the Western world is an aggressively pursued policy that has absolutely nothing — nothing at all — good to offer us, and that open-door immigration from those areas of the world whose societies are not merely not-“geprägt” by Judeo-Christian values, but actively and violently opposed to them, is nothing that can end well?  Until someone can show me that the imams to whom el-Sisi was speaking actually get out there and demonstrate, by book, chapter, and verse, that all these criminals in Islamized Europe in fact have it wrong . . . well, until then I think PEGIDA’s got the better argument.

When it’s all About the Ideology

You can tell that you’re in the cloud-cuckoo land of ideology when you are obliged to do stupid things in its name, even though everyone with even bare walking-around sense knows better.  For instance, after the Nazis kicked the Jews out of all university and school faculties (speaking as an American and therefore a beneficiary of all that human capital flooding to our country, I can’t help but observe that it was so much the better for us, here in the “decadent” Anglosphere), it was decreed that only “Aryan” mathematics and science be taught.  Somewhere (it’s quoted in Solzhenitsyn, but I can’t recall which volume) there’s a quotation from whatever party organization was in charge of ruining Soviet education, to the effect that “we stand for the principles of Marxism-Leninism in physics,” or something along those lines.  Really happened.  Can’t make this stuff up.

Of course, the communists were very explicit that for them, ideology in fact did trump everything, even abstract notions of truth and justice.  In the Gulag, it was the true believers who most vehemently denied that the objective fact of their own innocence was at all an indictment of the system that put them inside for a “ten-ruble bill” or a “quarter.”  There was the Party Line, and only the Party Line.  Whatever the Party Line was at the moment was truth and to be defended unto death.  Until it wasn’t the Party Line any more.  The Germans used to sigh, when someone they knew got raked in and worked over by the Gestapo or Kripo, because he’d had the temerity to say the wrong thing around the water cooler one morning, “If only the Führer knew!”

The communists and the Nazis were both political parties and movements.  Politics necessarily tends towards subordinating reality to ideology.  So while you can snicker about “Marxism-Leninism in physics,” you can at least acknowledge where they’re coming from.

On the other hand, a movement that is supposedly about truth, about justice, about fairness, about each of us being validated as a fully-equal human . . . that sort of movement is not supposed to have a “party line.”  The litmus test is then whether X, when X is some condition, or circumstance, or practice, or rule of existence, does or does not tend towards truth, justice, fairness, equality, or what have you.  If it does, then you embrace it; if it doesn’t, then you reject it.

Over at The Federalist we have a brief article by someone name of Heather Wilhelm (which is a cool name, by the way; have to wonder if her friends have nicknamed her “Bill” or the “Kaiserin”).  Mme Wilhelm explains her reasons for distancing herself from the self-description of “feminist.”  I get the vibe from most of the article that she’s not interested in being something that requires her to endorse any of the several things which she describes.

I only want to comment on one part of her article, “Today’s ‘Feminists’ Give Terrible Advice About Safety.”  Which they do.  As she points out (correctly):

“Now, most modern feminists would get upset about the very existence of a sorority self-defense seminar—’teach muggers not to mug!’ and all that—but I was happy to be there. . . .’This false idea, that women’s behavior is the real reason they are victimized,’ wrote Katie McDonough at Salon, ‘is regularly used to blame sexual violence on the “problem” of young women today.’  Well, no. We all know where the blame lies: with the perpetrator. The goal is to encourage women to protect themselves, with reality being what it is. It almost leads one to wonder: Do feminists really care about women’s safety at all?”

The answer to her rhetorical question is that feminists do care, but only to the extent that doing so does not conflict with the tenets of their ideology.  They stand for the principles of gyno-centrism in physics, in other words.

I served right at four years in the combat fleet, on a guided missile destroyer.  It was the twilight of — well, not even the Old Navy, but rather — the navy in which it was anticipated that sailors would behave like sailors, rather than Boy Scouts.  It was taken for granted that when we put into a foreign port, crew members would seek out the whores and tattoo parlors. [Aside:  Sailors may wear tattoos.  It’s part of being a sailor.  South Seas Islanders may also wear them; it’s part of who they are as well.  Anyone else wearing a tattoo who’s didn’t receive it involuntarily from the Nazis in a concentration camp is tacky and conformist.  Sorry if this offends.  No, actually, I’m not.]  It was taken for granted they’d drink too much.  It was taken for granted they’d go around gawping like the tourists we were.  It was taken for granted that they’d blow their money on cheap touristy-trinkets.  There would be a box of condoms on the quarterdeck, and whoever wanted however many he wanted took what he thought he was going to need.

Here’s the tie-in to Mme Wilhelm’s article:  Part of the in-brief, and part of the pre-liberty call speech at each and every last stinkin’ port call was Where to Stay Away From, and earnest reminders of the buddy system.  We did a port visit in Ocho Rios once.  We were told that if we went out in groups of less than ten, we might get rolled.  If we went out in groups of less than five, we would get rolled.  In fact we had members of the United States Navy get mugged almost literally within sight of the ship.  Why did we put that word out to the men, each and every time?  Because it was good damned advice, and if you cared about your men’s health and safety, you told them what they needed to know.  To hell with it if someone was offended; I just wanted my sailors back on the ship in one piece.

Safety advice that is appropriate to members of the United States Armed Forces is advice that is certainly not inappropriate to a college co-ed.  I’ll just state that as an absolute principle.

Thank God we didn’t have to deal with a feminist theory of naval gunfire support, is all I can say, or non-phallo-centric anti-air warfare.

But seriously, today’s feminist insistence on unreality, in matters of safety advice and others (such as those pointed out in the linked article), is the give-away that we’re not dealing with a human rights movement but rather a political movement.  More to the point, it’s a political movement which insists that “the personal is political,” which is why an 18-year-old freshman’s not knowing the basics of physical self-defense (and going unarmed) is something properly addressed through the filter of ideology rather than ordinary common sense.  It’s not a stupid personal choice, but rather a political statement, to be defenseless.

I’ll close by observing that this insistence that the personal is political is a very dangerous position.  The “political” is something which is properly the subject of debate and collective action in and through the polis — and that includes me and everyone else.  If you elide the distinction between the personal and the political what you do is create a world in which everything that you do and are, every decision you make — and yes, this includes abortion as well, Dorothy — is properly the subject for a collective decision that’s not your own, and the implementation of that decision through the physical coercion of the state.  Modern feminism’s staking out its position on that line makes the dangerous assumption that their side is always going to come out the winner.  That’s not true; if nothing else the 20th Century should have cured us of the illusion that the “right” side always ends up with its hands on the levers of coercive power.

And what’s really distressing is that the lefties have no inkling that their conflation of the personal with the political is anything but “progressive.”  It’s as retrogressive as it could possibly be; see, for example, medieval sumptuary laws, or religious tests, or the Inquisition.  The whole Anglospheric conception of human liberty rests upon neither more nor less than the assertion that the personal is most definitely not political, and the willingness to defend that distinction at gun-point.

Excuse Me While I Drown Myself

I’m pretty sure that’s the intended response to this screed in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, “Amerika, du hast es schlechter” (“America, You’ve Got it Worse”).  The author is a boy — a German — name of Stephan Richter.  He co-founded The Globalist, an on-line magazine (homepage here).

A quick scan through several of the articles on this morning’s (04 Dec 14) page shows some common sense (“How to Deal With the Return of Hard Power Politics in Europe“: We’re not going to put Putin back in his sandbox without both diplomacy and the acknowledged ability and willingness to fight with both arms free).  That’s combined with some touching if perhaps starry-eyed hope-over-expectation (same article: “Hence, the third track in dealing with Russia now is one on which a competition of values is presented. It is a track that has always existed and has become stronger and stronger with the rise of the kind of technology that allows individuals to connect across borders — and without governmental regulation.  This third track, then, is maximizing the interconnections among people.”).

We also have some breath-of-fresh-air offerings (“How African-Americans and African Immigrants Differ“), which I wish had been co-authored.  The author is an immigrant from Sierra Leone; I wish he’d found a West Indian immigrant to pitch in, since we have a not-inconsiderable contingent from there (judging by their accented English a family of them was my back-yard-fence neighbors in Charleston in the 1990s).  I also wish the article had been longer, since its central idea is the comparison of how the two groups’ differing histories (the one descendants, by and large, of slavery, and the other frequently survivors of civil war, murderous domestic tyranny, and poverty the likes of which has never been seen on these shores since the days of the earliest European settlements) lead them to interact with and participate (or not) in the predominating “white” society and culture.  Thomas Sowell has touched on this notion as well, here and there (he may be among the deeper students of immigration and integration, worldwide, that we’ve got in the U.S.).  It deserves much more extensive examination than The Globalist offers space.  Interesting observations, though:

“When they come to the United States, it has been my experience that Africans can easily identify with white Americans because they understand each other. Before migrating to the United States, the majority of Africans have had little to no direct negative experiences with whites. They simply do not hate them.

* * * *

“Most African immigrants to the United States often live in mixed neighborhoods instead of black neighborhoods and they easily integrate. African immigrants know who they are. They are not easily offended when someone tries to put them down. They know where they come from and why they are here.”

I’d like to see this author explore the psychological intricacies of that last sentence.  He needs an essay-length format, at the least.

We also have the first installment of an entirely predictable That Awful South screed (and surprise! it’s from Comrade Richter): “America’s Mezzogiorno: A Thanksgiving Reflection“; the author seems to be mostly thankful that he’s not a Southerner.  The feeling is mutual, buddy.  He trots out the usual nonsense about how the rest of the country is “subsidizing” the South through the “spreading” of defense facilities “and production” through the South.  Oh dear.  It’s as if he’s never set foot outside the beltway.  Or worn a uniform (he’s German, and of an age that he would have had either to be drafted or done his “Zivildienst,” so that blind spot is hard to understand).  Let me explain it to him:  Where defense installations are placed is a function in North America (which has a continental climate and a very non-uniformly-dispersed population), overwhelmingly, of (i) weather; (ii) population density, and (iii) land values.

To illustrate:  Across most of the northern tier of the country, for a large portion of the year the weather is simply too brutal for infantry to train without massive health issues arising.  By all means, do cold-weather training, but only a dip-stick or someone with no other options would willingly base his ground forces where for weeks at a pop the high temperature will reliably be 15º F.  You can’t get around the fact that most of the South, most of the time, in most years, is well-suited for year-round outdoor training.

Population density:  Geez, do we put the Minuteman program and the B-52s in the Northeast Corridor, where something like a quarter of the U.S. population lives, so that when the Soviets (or now the Chinese) pickle off an alpha strike, they wipe out the centers of commerce, finance, and government?  Or do we scatter them over the Dakotas and Montana, where we can minimize the number of, you know, dead civilians?

Land value:  When the U.S. military went from pretty damned tiny to among the world’s largest, land was cheap in the South, not well-suited for agriculture, and in many areas not even very much used.  Hey:  Let’s buy up enough land to put Fort Hood in Westchester County, or maybe in Livonia, Michigan, or even Cincinnati.  Or we could put it out in the dried-up Texas landscape.  Well, Comrade Richter might reply, we could have put that up in the Dakotas, too.  See my comments about weather, above.  See also a map of the damned country.  It costs a boat-load of money to move stuff around an area as large as the United States; do you put major enterprises where you can get things to them relatively easily, or where you’re going to have to build all those networks from scratch? [In 1986 someone did a study of West Germany’s energy consumption:  They found that fully a third of their use was just moving people and things around the place.  Like the Victorian statesmen, Brer Richter’s been looking at the wrong-scale map.]

The South is also penetrated by a great deal of navigable water, from the Mississippi to the Ohio to the Tennessee to the Red to several others.  In the East you’ve got the fall line jammed up against the coast (except in, you know, Virginia and the Carolinas).  Additionally, across a huge chunk of the Upper South (Tennessee and northern Alabama) there was the TVA to provide cheap power, which had been building since 1933.  That program was most definitely not started as a government largesse operation, but rather as a pilot project for the destruction of the private electrical utility industry (Amity Schlaes tells the whole sordid story in The Forgotten Man).  The war intervened and the TVA become a one-off, but that had not been the design.  The Tennessee Valley was selected for the opening moves in the attack because of its cheap land (take a look at the lands those lakes flooded before the TVA came), its relative political backwardness, and its poverty, which made resistance less likely.

So let’s see:  Cheap land, easy access, useful climate.  No, no, no:  Let’s take our army and build its 102,000-acre (Ft. Campbell, Kentucky), 214,000-acre (Ft. Hood, Texas), or 100,646-acre (Ft. Riley, Kansas), and 160,000-acre (Ft. Bragg, North Carolina) facilities right outside Springfield, Massachusetts.  Or in Pennsylvania somewhere.  When we need someplace to put a brand-new 16,000-acre naval base for our Ohio-class submarines (too big to fit elsewhere), let’s buy up Newport, Rhode Island and do it there.  Or an even better idea:  Let’s take the naval installations at Norfolk, Virginia (which are historical outgrowths of maritime industry dating back before the Revolution, I’ll remind our dim-bulb author), shut them down, and go replicate them . . . oh . . . I don’t know, maybe in Oregon.  Because that’s such a better use of money.

Comrade Richter also seems to ignore the extent to which Southern California’s modern economy was pretty much built on the defense dollar.  Pull federal activities (military and otherwise) out of Nevada, New Mexico, and Utah, and what exactly do you have left, except for hard-rock mining?  As for manufacturing, Boeing, McDonnell-Douglas, General Dynamics, Northrop-Grumman, General Motors, and Colt acquire new home addresses in Richter-land.  The steel mills which produce the HY-80 that’s in all those submarine hulls?  Those are in Arkansas, it seems.  Hanford is now in South Carolina.  USS Kennedy (CV-67) was kept in the fleet and put through a SLEP to keep not the Philadelphia but rather the Dothan, Alabama Naval Shipyard in business.  And let’s not forget the submarine fleet built by General Dynamics in Baton Rouge.

None of the above is to deny that Congresscritters of all stripes fight to pump money into their home districts.  It’s why Oak Ridge is in Tennessee.  But there were and remain very legitimate reasons why it was completely logical to build enormous bases for specific kinds of military activities (e.g. Edwards Air Force Base, which is not in Cobb County, Georgia) where the military built them.

Richter is also much exercised about Southern states’ reluctance to accept federal money to expand Medicaid programs, or as he says, “Washington sends money to help these regions to overcome wide-spread poverty, which is – 150 years after the end of the Civil War – often still race-based.  However, the South — as based largely on the wishes of its republicans governors — doesn’t want to have a huge chunk of it!”  For starts, coach, poverty is not “race-based”; it may be racially-correlated, but so is murder.  No one goes around enrolling blacks to be poor, nor does anyone check your skin color before you go broke.  [By the way, Richter’s own article’s last sub-heading is “Poverty is blind to race”.  Well, jackass, which is it?  You can’t have it both race-based and race-blind.  Pick your asinine position and stick with it, at least.]

More importantly, Richter ignores the principal reason why the expansion of Medicaid was resisted:  The federal money was time-limited.  Three years, but the program expansions would have been permanent.  We all got to see what happened in Tennessee, which did pretty much exactly what Richter demanded, starting in 1994, and almost bankrupted itself.  At one point something over a quarter of the state’s total population (including people making $60,000-plus per year, this back in the 1990s) was on the public dime.  The average patient had 19 active prescriptions.  It took the state more than a decade worth of litigation to prune the program back.  So no, dear ol’ Stephan, this refused offer of “federal money” for a limited time to blow up your state’s budget forever and ever was not some perverse desire to keep the darkies down, but rather a prudent refusal of a poisoned chalice.

But hist! it’s not all federal money that Them Awful Southerners don’t like.  “Contrary to their ideological opposition to Medicaid, Republican governors and legislatures in the South accept two types of federal funds: Farm subsidies and defense contract money.”  Archer Daniels Midland, Cargill, the Central Valley, and the Cadillac Desert are not Southern institutions, ol’ sport.  That’s not to say that the sugar industry does not have its hand in the till (it was the principal shareholder in the largest U.S. sugar company who was on the telephone with Wm. J. Clinton while the latter was getting his knob polished by a 20-year-old intern named Lewinsky), or that hogs and chicken don’t see to it their share comes their way.  But the Big Dollars go to the Midwest and Plains states.  And by the way, farm subsidies and defense contract dollars don’t go to states or state legislatures, but rather to individuals and private businesses.  So there’s simply nothing there for “Republican governors and legislatures in the South” to accept, nitwit.

But what allows Them Awful Southerners to suck so hard at the public tit?  Why of course, it’s that they’re all a bunch of <pass the smelling salts, please> Republicans.  O!  The horror!  Yes, Southerners make up over half the Republican House majority.  This enables the South, which accounts for 37% of the population and 34.2% of the economy (what a mismatch!! takes your breath away, doesn’t it?), to force the rest of the 435 House members to shovel money all over the place.  Or something.

The Republican South dates from the 1980s, at the earliest.  The defense facilities which Richter deplores having been built in the South were built during the — not year, not decades, but — generations when Democrats controlled, and not by wafer-thin margins, both houses of Congress.  The Soviet-style American agricultural system was a brain-child not of Newt Gingrich, but of FDR’s Soviet-inspired “planners.”

Yes, “The rest of the world is perplexed by the anti-government attitude and/or gross negligence toward the people by the governors and legislatures in the American South.”  What Richter really means by “the rest of the world” is the dozen or twenty or so people who’ll speak with him (if he’s as tiresome and ill-informed in person as he is in print).  He might ask the Chechens, the Uighurs, the Marsh Arabs, the Crimean Tatars (if any are still alive), the Volga Germans, the surviving Russian or Polish or Hungarian Jews, the Hmong, the Kurds, the Yezidis, the Estonians, the Lithuanians, the Latvians, or the Armenians about their understanding of “anti-government attitudes,” particularly their attitudes about powerful, centralized government.  How about the immigrant from Sierra Leone who’s got an article in his own damned magazine; did Richter ask whether he is “perplexed” by the notion that government (especially Great Big Government) ain’t your friend?  Or he might just take a look at where the floods of immigrants over the centuries came from and went to.  I’ll give you a hint so you needn’t pull your head out:  They didn’t go to Tsarist Russia, or Bismarck’s Prussia, or to Spain, or to dirigisme France.  For that matter, he might take a look at where the internal migration in the United States is headed.  It’s no accident that the IRS no longer reports it, but you can find the numbers if you try.  They’re flooding South, ol’ boy, and they’re not leaving.  Individuals might goof and guess wrong about where they need to be living, but millions of people over the course of several decades now can’t be explained away as some sort of latter-day Flagellant movement.

This article in The Globalist is, in other words, just another installment in a long line of Them Awful Southerners pot-boilers (of which it’s not the first I’ve exploded).  I’m only mildly surprised he didn’t work the word “protocols” into the title.

There’s more from Brer Richter:  “Take the Money and Run,” in which he recites the by-now-tired data (genuine enough, to be sure), that for every dollar a “taxpayer” in, say, Mississippi pays, he “receives” $3.07 in “benefits,” and 45% of Mississippi’s economy “comes from federal funding.”  Of course, data like that remind one of the old joke in response to the data point that “everyone three minutes, someone is robbed”: Doesn’t he get tired of it?  Given that roughly 40% of the American population pays no federal income taxes at all, one can be forgiven for posing the aggregation issue to Comrade Richter.  I’d be interested to see whether in fact the average Mississippi resident who is a net payer of federal income taxes is doled out $3.07 in direct or indirect transfer payments.   Because if the complaint is that for every tax dollar coming out of Mississippi there are $3.07 being paid to residents of Mississippi, I’d like to know who’s paying and who’s receiving.  Are they in fact the same people?  And what unspecified “federal funding” is Richter talking about?  If he’s talking about payments to or for the benefit of poor people . . . well, yes, you would expect states with poorer populations to receive more federal dollars, in the aggregate, than places with fewer poorer people, or places with more and wealthier people to skew the averages.  If he’s got a point to make, let him cough up some data that actually say something.

For Part III of his I Don’t Like Southerners and Neither Should You, our learned mentor explains to us “How the South Really Operates.”  I was truly looking forward to this read, because after spending over 40 of my 50 years living in the South, and paying attention to what happens and who makes it happen, I confessed myself flummoxed.  Richter to the Rescue!  He enumerates four aspects in which he informs us how the South really operates.  First come agricultural hand-outs, in which he recites several prominent Republican politicians who happen to be Southerners and who suck at the public tit of agricultural hand-outs.  See my comments above re: where the agri-business money is actually, you know, at.  And by the way, just as a counter-example, I believe it’s Dianne Feinstein (it may be Pelosi, but it’s definitely one of the California Congressional delegation) whose husband owns a good chunk of a company that processes some sort of seafood or fishery product in, I believe it is, Guam (possibly Samoa; I’ve slept since I read about this).  Guess which American overseas possession is uniquely exempted from minimum wage laws that apply to the others?

Second comes that awful ol’ Congressional power.  The South which accounts for 37% of the population overall has just over half of the Republican House caucus, and therefore — you really have to envy Richter his simple-mindedness — 53% of the House Appropriations subcommittee on defense, and 55% of the subcommittee on homeland security.  God save the mark.  Well, you know, numbskull, if Congressional committee assignments were to be handed out based on state population instead of party affiliation, where would the majority party come up with committee members from states which decline to elect members of that party?  But the litany of horrors does not stop there:  Oh noes: Fully 63% of the committee on military construction and veterans affairs subcommittee come from the South.  Maybe Comrade Richter would care to examine where the all-volunteer force comes from and where American veterans live?  Don’t worry, ol’ sport:  I’ll do the math for you.

The Veterans Administration has a nice state-by-state interactive map showing each state’s veteran population data as of September 30, 2014.  Out of their estimated 21,999,108 living veterans, 8,208,679 lived in the states of the old confederacy (plus West Virginia and Kentucky), or almost exactly 37% of the total.  I don’t know which states Richter includes to get to his 37% of the U.S. overall population living in the South, so you can’t really draw a great deal of meaning from those numbers.  The U.S. Census Bureau has a convenient estimate of each state’s population as of July 1, 2013.  Let’s see what percentage of each state’s gross population consists of veterans.  In the states of the former confederacy (plus Kentucky and West Virginia) we range from a high of 9.46% for Virginia (which you really can’t treat as a meaningful number since so much of Virginia is actually South District of Columbia, but there it is) to 9.03% for West Virginia to a low of 6.35% for Texas.  Throw out the high and low and you get an average of 8.00%.  Only two of the states other than Texas are even below 7.5%: Louisiana and Mississippi.  Just for giggles I ran the same numbers for several large northern states, and Washington State as well (there’s HUGE defense industry and installations up there, which Comrade Richter seems to have forgot about).  Here are some numbers:  California: 4.83%; Michigan: 6.65%; New York: 4.54%; Massachusetts: 5.67%; Illinois: 5.60%; Washington: 8.66%.

The VA site also has a spreadsheet that breaks down each state’s population by era of service.  So you could theoretically strip out the all-volunteer veterans from the draftees.  You could strip out the dwindling World War II contingent and the Korean War contingent.  You could strip out the Vietnam contingent (reckon which states saw the most student draft deferments: those with large or with small college enrollment among the overall population).  I don’t have the time or energy to do so.

Gee, what would someone who believes in, you know, representative democracy think?  Reckon he might figure that for House members from those states with a higher percentage of their voters being veterans (veterans vote disproportionately to their numbers, recall), getting on the veterans affairs subcommittee might be . . . you know, maybe . . . representing his goddam voters?  Anyone want to bet which states’ representatives scramble to get on the maritime affairs committees?  Wyoming, perhaps?  Maybe in Richter-land.

Then Richter recycles his shop-worn defense spending as a welcome stimulus.  This part of the article is more than a bit incomprehensible, since what he talks about is salary caps for CEOs of defense contractors and salaries of management relative to engineer or worker, and then recites the average CEO pay for the five largest defense contractors.  Only one, Lockheed-Martin, is headquartered anywhere near the South, and that’s Bethesda, Maryland (which I categorically deny to be Southern in any meaningful sense).  In fact, in not a single sentence of that section of the article does he even mention the South.

The final section of How the South Really Operates is a diatribe against Georgia and its decision not to get on the Medicaid expansion bandwagon.  Again, the program expansions, which would have been permanent, were going to be funded by the federal government . . . for three years.  You wouldn’t let your 16-year-old budget for his first motor-scooter on that basis.  Richter’s pretending that a state can do so is just irresponsible.  He of course recites all the ills of the current system (all true enough), but he doesn’t answer Question No. 1:  Where is the damned money going to come from?  If he thinks that any governmental entity, state or local, which exists in a polity in which there is free movement of money, people, and economic activity across borders can budget on a nice-to-have basis, he’s just stupid.  Period.  There’s no other way to describe that outlook.  In a free society people won’t stand still and let you skin them.  They’ll leave, and then what you’re left with is Mississippi.

You know, I’d actually intended this little post to be a take-down of his comically ill-informed anti-American splenetic in the FAZ (he does, however, manage to work into even that one an accusation that the South is still Fighting the War; I’d really like to know from which data he draws that conclusion since I’ve not noticed it in anyone of above-average intelligence in over 40 years; even when we were kids playing army, we fought not the Yankees or even the dinks or gooks, but rather the Germans (which was hilarious because one of my best buddies had a grandfather who’d been a machine-gunner . . . for the Kaiser)).  I’d not thought I’d spend the whole thing exposing his English-language fatuities.  But I can never resist an easy target, and boy howdy! Stephan Richter’s incomprehension of the American South is a stationary target at point-blank range.

Someone hand me a cigarette.  I feel all aglow.

Update [08 Dec 14]:  In the context of why the national Democrat party seems to have such problems running successful candidates in the South, Moe Lane drives the ten-ring:  “It’s not demographics, and it’s certainly not gerrymandering, and shoot, it’s not even Barack Obama. It’s that the people who run the Democratic party [expletive deleted] hate the South.”  Brer Richter’s thoughts merely express openly what the Democrats’ national-level leadership mutually congratulates itself on believing.

The gently ironic part of it is that it doesn’t have to be that way.  In my semi-rural county, which voted for Geo. W. Bush twice, for McCain, and for Romney, all by enormous margins, and which by a similar margin in a recent Republican primary swamped the Establishment incumbent in favor of a Tea Party insurgent . . . all three of our trial judges are Democrats; our sheriff is a Democrat, most of our elected county-wide officials are Democrats, and a good number of elected officials at the municipal level are Democrats.

Among the bunch of people I regularly find myself working (and drinking beer) with are people who range all the way from caricatures of far-right reaction to cartoonish lefties who actually think Dear Leader’s got it all figured out.  No.  Really.  There are people — and not dummies, either — who truly think that way.  We all work together, we all pitch in together, and together we’re making our county a better place to live, where each year’s crop of high school graduates has something to look forward to other than an entire lifetime trapped behind a cash register at the stop-n-rob.  Not that “politics” doesn’t get discussed, and heatedly sometimes, but here, for the moment, we can accept our differences as being good-faith disagreement.  Among the most cartoonish of my leftish friends is a fellow who got there by way of his religious convictions . . . and the fact that for a period when he was younger, if his family had meat on the table it was because he’d gone out and shot it in the middle of the night.  I think he’s wrong on the merits, but I can accept his thinking as coming from somewhere honorable.

At the national level, that assumption is simply denied to Republicans.

So Moe Lane’s right:  When you spend a half-century insisting that everyone who lives in a particular place is for that reason inherently evil, and that everything they think, believe, and hope for is necessarily an outgrowth of that evil and need not be engaged with for that reason . . . Well, exactly what did you expect in terms of electoral outcomes?

What’s a Little Confirmation Bias Among Friends?

A number of years ago an author, Stephen Glass, worked for The New Republic.  He also wrote for a number of other publications, including George.  He wrote a number of stories, most of them well-received.  He was well-regarded by his readers and employers.  He turned out to have only one slight problem.  He made stuff up.  As in, a lot of stuff.  As in, story after story containing completely invented quotations, events that never occurred, sources that didn’t exist.  Over the course of several years he completely snookered his editors.

Eventually, of course, he was caught and fired.

His most immediate victims (if you discount the people and institutions about whom or which he lied, and the readers to whom he lied) were his editors, at the publications whose reputations he disgraced.   Being an editor at anything that aspires to reportage exceeding the who-won-the-junior-pro-football-game-last-weekend fare of the usual small-town weekly paper must be a nerve-wracking experience.  You can’t replicate your reporters’ work before it’s published, at least not to a statistical extent that would provide you any reasonable comfort level.  About all you’ve got, in fact, are review of your reporter’s own work product (which can be just as made up as anything else), ex post confirmations of your boy’s work, either by your competitors (assuming you’ve got the scoop), and admissions by the subject(s) of the stories themselves.  But how many times do “confirmations” turn out to be no more reliable than the original reporting?  In fact you’ve really got only your reporters’ reputation for honesty and diligence.  And strong drink to steady your nerves.

Well, you do have the articles themselves.  Taken on their faces, do they hold up?  Bearing in mind that there’s a first time for just about everything, is what an article describes plausible?  Possible?  Does it describe reasonable actions and reactions of the people mentioned in it?  Are its statements capable of being falsified (as Popper showed, it’s much easier to prove that something is false than that it is true)?

Among the folks who had the pleasure of editing Comrade Glass’ work was a boy name of Richard Bradley.  He was an editor at George.  He still bears the emotional and professional scars of that experience, and as someone who got so publicly euchred by a rogue reporter he brings a rare perspective to the contemplation of reported matter.

Bradley has turned his attention to the subject of the (in)famous University of Virginia gang rape case.  Very briefly, a woman, “Jackie” (the victim’s real first name, apparently) has alleged that roughly two years ago she was held captive in a “pitch black” room at a UVa fraternity party and gang-raped over the course of three or so hours.  Repeatedly.  She was lying on her back amidst a sea of broken glass this whole time (which necessarily means her attackers were kneeling or lying in it as well, by the way).  She counted seven separate attackers, who were egged on by two others, including the boy who had invited her to the party in the first place.  The attack is presented as a rite of passage in this fraternity (the seventh attacker, whom she claims to have recognized, has trouble getting it up and, when he’s asked whether he wants to be a brother in the fraternity or not, finally gives up and penetrates Jackie with a beer bottle); we are invited to conclude that it’s common in the Greek system generally.  That’s horrific enough.  It is also alleged, however, that her own friends discouraged her from reporting it to the police, or even going to the hospital (this despite the wounds from the glass shards that had dug — no, must have been deeply ground — into her back repeatedly over the course of three hours).  This conversation is presented as having occurred within minutes after Jackie has come to her senses and walked through the crowd at the (still-going-strong) party.  She would have — must have — been covered in blood across her entire shoulders, back, buttocks, head, and likely large areas of her arms as well (they’ve been held down, according to the story).  She would, in short, have looked like hamburger over much of her body, and her dress that she’s pictured as having so carefully selected for her date would have looked like something salvaged from an army field hospital after an unsuccessful battle.  She would very likely bear scars on those areas of her body to this day.

The university itself, when presented with the allegations, did nothing.

The attack is the subject of an article in Rolling Stone by a reporter named Sabrina Rubin Erdely.  Her narrative of the attack covers the first several paragraphs, but the bulk of the pretty substantial article deals with Jackie’s  experiences when, months later, she finally did tell someone at the university about what she says happened to her.  At the risk of over-simplifying things, the article describes a pretty classical institutional shuck-n-jive.  According to Jackie and several other victims or alleged victims of sexual violence at UVa, they pretty much blew off her allegations and they routinely do others as well.

I’d point out that the Rolling Stone article does contain a number of very specifically named other victims of other assaults, and even shows photographs of more than one of them.  Their experiences are in part related and they all experienced or claim to have experienced the same sort of dismissive attitude.

Overall the article paints an alarming picture of a school so much more caught up in its reputation, its donors, its culture of alcohol-sodden depravity, and its oh-so-helpfully-Southern ethos that it’s willing to suppress reports of sexual violence that are matched only by the tales out of Rotherham, England (you’ll need to scroll to the end of that post to see the point).  That’s the Big Picture, and apparently it’s exactly the picture the article was intended by its author to convey.  From The Washington Post’s story:

“Erdely declined to address specific questions about her reporting when contacted on Sunday and Monday.  ‘I could address many of [the questions] individually . . . but by dwelling on this, you’re getting sidetracked,’ she wrote in an e-mail response to The Post’s inquiry. ‘As I’ve already told you, the gang-rape scene that leads the story is the alarming account that Jackie — a person whom I found to be credible — told to me, told her friends, and importantly, what she told the UVA administration, which chose not to act on her allegations in any way — i.e., the overarching point of the article. THAT is the story: the culture that greeted her and so many other UVA women I interviewed, who came forward with allegations, only to be met with indifference.’”

Erdely is coming in for some pretty stout criticism of her reporting.  She’s been busted for not naming the attackers, even though the victim claims to have recognized two of them (one being of course the boy who’d asked her to the party).  The article gives information from which those two can winnowed down to one or a tiny group of potential perpetrators, as Megan McArdle points out.  Over at Just One Minute, there’s what purports to be a quotation from some gal name of Claire Kaplan, program director of UVa’s “Gender Violence and Social Change,” (no, really, there is such an outfit and such a person) on an unfortunately not-linked Facebook thread:

“This is what Claire Kaplin [Kaplan – TM], a faculty member at the Women’s Center whose title is Program Director of Gender Violence and Social Change, had to say on a Facebook thread:

‘I’ve learned from some of the students involved or interviewed that the reporter actually made some of that up. The scene about whether or not to go to the hospital never happened, and that when they wanted to take her to the police, she didn’t want to go. That jibes with what I heard from administrators.’

Then, in a second post, responding to another person in the thread, she wrote:

‘Cora[:] what I understand is that she [Jackie, the alleged victim] had much more support than the reporter stated. That some of the comments by friends were not said at all (the whole conversation telling her not to report). Both survivors were devastated when she called them to clear quotes. They learned that their “off the record” comments were not off the record. Also she really got the students riled up when she characterized them as passive, conservative, and not “radical” enough. You and I both recall some pretty creative protests from years past.'”

Let’s call things by their correct names.  If this quotation from Kaplan is genuine, then this person whose bio on the program’s website describes her as being “a feminist social justice activist for longer than she’d like to admit” is point-blank accusing Erdely of lying and fabricating quotations.  These are not trivial accusations.  Those are the sorts of carryings-on which will pass current at The New York Times or CNN, but which will get your country ass fired from any other reporting job.

So it seems that Erdely could run down witnesses and other acquaintances from two years ago and interview them, but couldn’t run down the perps to get their side of things.  From the WaPo story linked above:

“’I reached out to [the accused] in multiple ways,’ Erdely said in the Slate interview. ‘They were kind of hard to get in touch with because [the fraternity’s] contact page was pretty outdated. But I wound up speaking . . . I wound up getting in touch with their local president, who sent me an e-mail, and then I talked with their sort of, their national guy, who’s kind of their national crisis manager. They were both helpful in their own way, I guess.’

Sean Woods, who edited the Rolling Stone story, said in an interview that Erdely did not talk to the alleged assailants. ‘We did not talk to them. We could not reach them,’ he said in an interview.  However, he said, ‘we verified their existence,’ in part by talking to Jackie’s friends. ‘I’m satisfied that these guys exist and are real. We knew who they were.’”

OK, now I’m really puzzled.  Rolling Stone “knew who they were,” and the whole point of the story is that nothing has happened to these people, but no one has given those names to the police?  Or perhaps the Rolling Stone editor has it wrong?  Again, from the very same WaPo story:

“Erdely declined to say whether she knows the names of the alleged perpetrators, including ‘Drew.’  ‘I can’t answer that,’ she said. ‘This was a topic that made Jackie extremely uncomfortable.’”

The reporter (as opposed to her editor) who allegedly made all manner of attempts to “reach out to” [N.b.  “Reach out” is an expression that makes me throw up a little in my mouth.] the perps won’t even say whether she knows their names.  It would seem to me that if you want someone to take the initiative to turn himself in, on the theory that there will be exactly one and only one plea-bargain cut from those nine, you publicly observe that you know who they are.  And besides, we have an on-the-record quotation from Jackie’s suite-mate, Rachel Soltis:  “‘At the beginning of the year, she seemed like a normal, happy girl, always with friends. Then her door was closed all the time. We just figured she was out.’ Soltis is also quoted this way: ‘The university ignores the problem to make itself look better. They should have done something in Jackie’s case. Me and several other people know exactly who did this to her. But they want to protect even the people who are doing these horrible things’.”  (emphasis added)  I’ll observe that if she knows “exactly” who did this, but she didn’t go to the police during all those months, shouldn’t she have used the first person pronoun in her last sentence?  Further, how do you square the exactitude of her knowledge of who the rapists are with her “we just figured” statement?  I mean, if you’re so obtuse that you can’t connect a young girl’s obvious emotional trauma with a horrific sexual crime of which she’s the victim, are you really smart enough to be in college in the first place?

Jonah Goldberg at Los Angeles Times takes issue with the overall believability of Erdely’s story.  Erik Wemple, also at the WaPo, notes that Erdely herself is going squishy on her own story-framing narrative:  “She told Slate, ‘The degree of her trauma — there’s no doubt in my mind that something happened to her that night. What exactly happened, you know, I wasn’t in that room. I don’t know and I do tell it from her point of view.’”  Bradley relates his chief lesson learned from his scorching by Glass:

“The lesson I learned: One must be most critical, in the best sense of that word, about what one is already inclined to believe. So when, say, the Duke lacrosse scandal erupted, I applied that lesson. The story was so sensational! Believing it required indulging one’s biases: A southern school…rich white preppy boys…a privileged sports team…lower class African-American women…rape. It read like a Tom Wolfe novel.

“And of course it never happened.

“Which brings me to a magazine article that is causing an enormous furor in Virginia and around the country; it’s inescapable on social media.”

When at a large Midwestern school in the mid-1980s I went Greek.  The Greek system overall wasn’t too strong at that school, and my fraternity, although very prominent nationally, was most definitely the un-Greek fraternity of the tribe.  In fact, the year before I pledged, during Greek Week our house put on a Turk Week.  Most of my house was engineers; I was among the very few innumerate actives.  I can say that I neither saw nor heard of anything during my years as an active in that chapter, during two of which I lived in the house, which even approximates a rape as defined by criminal law.  In fact, I never saw or heard of anything which would classify as a sexual assault, not myself and not anyone else.  Drunks gettin’ busy?  Certainly.  Am I willing to swear that no co-ed, ever, got naked with one of us under circumstances she later on wished she hadn’t?  Of course not.

I also never heard rumors of any such goings-on at any other house, although in truth there’s no reason I necessarily would have heard such rumors even had those sorts of things been common occurrences.  But even on a campus that size, behavior that common and that egregious simply cannot be hidden.  Someone is going to talk.  Not everyone is Greek, and not everyone who attends those parties is Greek.  At UVa, according to the picture Erdely paints, it’s an accepted fact of life for such sexual crimes to occur.  And over all these years, no one has ever publicly blown the whistle until now?  No little freshman co-ed has ever shared with her mother over Thanksgiving break what goes on in those houses, and had Momma grab Washington-Beltway-Power-Broker Daddy by the short-and-curlies and demanded he go slash and burn?  Never once?  That’s a degree of omerta that the mob itself has difficulty maintaining.

On the other hand . . . I have a very dear friend who survived the Greek system at Alabama, home of The Machine (link is to an article that appeared in Esquire in 1992).  My friend has kindly steered me, over the years, to several accounts of what has gone on in that system.  As the Blogfather would say, read the whole thing.  But especially the footnote at the very end of the article:

Note: The following year, Minda Riley, daughter of current Governor Bob Riley, was assaulted in her home by representatives of Theta Nu Epsilon. Miss Riley, a member of Phi Mu sorority, had decided to run for the office of SGA President, against the wishes of The Machine. The resulting fallout and national attention caused the University of Alabama administration to abolish the SGA until 1996. Miss Riley has publicly stated that she has no intention of ever returning to Tuscaloosa.” 

So can I believe that Jackie’s story might be true?  I can’t help but accept that, however horrific, her story could be true in all particulars.  On the other hand, I really have a problem when the person who allegedly did the spade work won’t even come out and state, in plain Saxon, whether — yes or no — she knows the names of the attackers.  I mean, if Jackie’s truly scared because they’re all still on campus (and according to the article they are . . . and by the way, given how small a school UVa is, just how hard could it have been to track these boys down if that’s what Erdely really wanted?), she really hasn’t protected herself very well at all, has she?  The date of the attack is alleged to have been September 28, 2012.  Precisely how many fraternity pledges could have participated in a seven-way gang rape on that particular night, including one involving a beer bottle, at that particular fraternity house?  Can those people think their names are not going to get into the police’s hands?  Can Jackie really think that a story in Rolling Stone is not going to be read and talked about all over campus?  And this reporter won’t even say, “Yes, we know exactly who those two are.”

Now, getting back to Erdely’s larger point about how the university is alleged to have (not) responded to the allegations . . . .  I have no trouble accepting that the system is precisely as broken as it’s presented to be.

One question does occur to me:  Was this fraternity house on UVa’s campus or on property belonging to UVa?  If the answer is no, then beyond kicking them off campus — prohibiting them from participating in on-campus events, putting up flyers, recruiting new pledges, and so forth — I’m not sure what the university as such could have done.  Erdely points out that nearly 200 students have been kicked out of school in the past two decades or so for honors violations, but no one for sexual assault.  But those “honors violations” are peculiarly academic infractions like cheating or plagiarism, over which the university of course has jurisdiction.  What authority does a public institution have to eject a student who is in academic good standing, current in his tuition and fees, and attends class with sufficient regularity, but who is accused of an off-campus offense of which he’s not been convicted?  Remember that ol’ 14th Amendment?  It applies to public universities and their student relations.  Kick someone out of school because of something that happened off-campus and of which he is — legally, at least — presumptively innocent, and you just landed a helluva civil rights lawsuit.

Part of me wants this story not to be true.  I’d hate to think that there are well-regarded institutions of this nature which are this callous.  I’d hate to think that a bunch of people with the smarts and skills necessary to get into and stay enrolled in a school like that would come up with something that wicked.

On the other hand, part of me wants it to be true.  Because if it’s not true, then what is happening at UVa as a reaction to a bullshit article containing fabulous accusations which the reporter made no serious attempt to confirm or refute can happen anywhere and to anyone.  Anyone can be publicly accused and held guilty, just because one lying emotionally unstable girl has decided she’d like some attention.  It means that my three boys, when they get to that age, are completely unprotected by mere innocence.  It means that what Solzhenitsyn describes as the Soviet Union’s national sewer system has been built in this country, and is up and running.  “Teaching boys not to rape” is an exercise in futility if it doesn’t matter whether they’re rapists or not.  If their lives can be ruined — and make no mistake, bullshit accusations of sexual crime ruin the accused’s life and can even cost him his life — whether they’ve done anything or not, then what is the point of “teaching them not to rape”?  Either they will or they won’t, and no matter which they have no protection from destruction.

Erdely has either done a signal service, or she is morally indistinguishable from the German generals who thought it would be real swell thing to smuggle Lenin through Germany and into Russia in 1917.  I suppose time will tell which it is.  Although if it’s the latter, those boys she’s accusing are pretty much “for it,” as the British say.  The victims of the bogus Duke Lacrosse gang-rape hoax had their lives devastated.  And their school, which merrily joined in stoking the fires, has yet to apologize to them.  The Gang of 88 has yet to issue a retraction.

Update [05 Dec 14]:  The Washington Post reports on its having done the fact-checking that Rolling Stone claims to have done, but obviously did not.

“A group of Jackie’s close friends, who are sex assault awareness advocates at U-Va., said they believe something traumatic happened to Jackie but also have come to doubt her account.  They said details have changed over time, and they have not been able to verify key points of the story in recent days.”

“A name of an alleged attacker that Jackie provided to them [the assault awareness advocates] for the first time this week, for example, turned out to be similar to the name of a student who belongs to a different fraternity, and no one by that name has been a member of Phi Kappa Psi.  (emphasis added) Reached by phone, that man, a U-Va. graduate, said Friday that he did work at the Aquatic Fitness Center and was familiar with Jackie’s name. He said, however, that he had never met Jackie in person and had never taken her on a date. He also said that he was not a member of Phi Kappa Psi.

“The fraternity also said that it has reviewed the roster of employees at the university’s Aquatic and Fitness Center for 2012 and found that it does not list a member of the fraternity — a detail Jackie provided in her account to Rolling Stone and in interviews with The Washington Post — and that no member of the house matches the description detailed in the Rolling Stone account. The statement also said that the house does not have pledges during the fall semester.”

“The Washington Post has interviewed Jackie several times during the past week and has worked to corroborate her version of events, contacting dozens of current and former members of the fraternity, the fraternity’s faculty adviser, Jackie’s friends and former roommates, and others on campus.”

“Earlier this week, Jackie revealed to friends for the first time the full name of her alleged attacker, a name she had never disclosed to anyone. (emphasis added)  But after looking into that person’s background, the group that had been among her closest supporters quickly began to raise suspicions about her account. The friends determined that the student that Jackie had named was not a member of Phi Kappa Psi and that other details about his background did not match up with information Jackie had disclosed earlier about her perpetrator.”

“Jackie’s former roommate, Rachel Soltis, said that she noticed emotional and physical changes to her friend during the fall semester of 2012, when the two shared a suite on campus. ‘She was withdrawn, depressed and couldn’t wake up in the mornings,’ said Soltis, who told the Post that she was convinced that Jackie was sexually assaulted. Soltis said that Jackie did not tell her about the alleged sexual assault until January 2013. Soltis said that she did not notice any apparent wounds on Jackie’s body at the time that might have indicated a brutal attack.”

OK.  That’s enough.  I won’t copy-and-paste the entire article.  But a couple of points emerge:

1.    The WaPo was able in a matter of days (today is December 5; the Rolling Stone article came out only the latter half of November) to verify fraternity member rolls and check to see if the fraternity in question had actually had a social function on the date alleged.  The fraternity claims to have been able to verify university employment rolls to determine none of them worked at the facility claimed.  The WaPo was able to contact and interview “dozens” of current and former fraternity members, multiple friends and former friends of Jackie’s, and others on campus.  Erdely appears to have done none of this, or if she did it, to have suppressed their statements.  This is a firing offense.

2.    Until this past week Jackie had not told anyone the name of her alleged attacker (the one whose name she alleges she knew, presumably her date).  The whole article’s premise is the story of a self-interested, callous institution disregarding a report of not just an unwanted grope, or even an outright rape, but a horrific gang rape of the kind that would put multiple people behind bars until they’re too old to get it up any more.  The disappointed reader will ask precisely what the university was supposed to do if she would not name the person against whom it was to proceed.  We’ve not heard details about the university’s attempts (if any) to verify the information she gave them; for that matter it’s not been fully disclosed what information she did give them.  But if they did what the WaPo and the fraternity have done and concluded that she was bringing them a bill of goods, their decision not to move forward becomes much more defensible.

3.    A little data point:  The one person on campus who must have seen Jackie largely unclothed if not bare-ass naked multiple times that year — her roommate — reported never having seen any of the kinds of cuts or bruises which she must inevitably had if she had been attacked as she described.  The Rolling Stone article described Jackie as being bloody from pretty much head to toe immediately after the attack.  Either Erdely never asked the question, or she asked it and suppressed the answer.  Either is also a firing offense.

4.   How do you square the quotation attributed to Soltis by Erdely that she and several others knew “exactly” who did this to Jackie with the statements in the WaPo that Jackie never told anyone the name of her known attacker until last week?   Somebody’s lying here (either the WaPo, or Jackie’s assault awareness advocates, or Soltis, or Erdely, or some combination of them), and if Erdely was given that kind of major conflicting information but suppressed it from her article, that’s likewise a firing offense.

Something traumatic happened to Jackie during her freshman year.  When it happened or what it was, we likely will never know.  What we do know is that Jackie herself is not to be trusted on the subject.  At all.  Anyone who will fabricate an accusation which can cost another person an entire life in a maximum-security prison, where sexual offenders are known to be targets for death or mutilation, is not entitled to be believed as to any matter on which she cannot produce indisputably unaltered videographic evidence.  Which is a shame, because she just might have been assaulted.

Erdely needs to be shown the door, however.  Whatever her capabilities as an advocate may be, she’s plainly not to be trusted as a reporter.

Well, Now I’m Confused

For roughly 150 years — say, from the 1830s to sometime around 1980 — the South resolutely maintained that Everything is About Race.

When years ago I took a course in Southern history (from Barbara J. Fields, one of the more impressive professors I ever had), among the more interesting tidbits of information we covered was that what we now call “racism,” at least in the specific form existing between American whites and American blacks, was an invented ideology that was used to justify slavery ex post, not the other way around.  And it specifically founds its organized proponents in response to the coalescing abolitionist movement.

Certainly Anglo-Americans always looked down on blacks as being inferior.  What needs to be borne in mind, however, is that Anglo-Americans, aping the attitudes of their kinsmen back home, looked down on everyone who wasn’t English.  The Irish had been regarded as vaguely sub-human for generations.  “Much may be made of a Scotsman, if he be caught young.”  That observation (by Dr. Johnson, no less) was not made humorously; he really did regard the Scots as inherently not the human equivalent of the English (this despite Edinburgh University’s already being world famous for its medical faculty).  Later on, during the heyday of the Raj, Englishmen assured each other — in perfect earnestness — that “the wogs begin at Calais.”  These attitudes weren’t by any means unique to the island, either.  The Spanish during the generations of the Reconquista developed a highly detailed (I would say “sophisticated,” but since it rested on an understanding of humanity that is neither more nor less than monstrous, I’ll use the more value-neutral expression) system for shoving humans into a hierarchical structure based upon the “purity” of their blood.  Gobineau, the godfather of modern “scientific” racism, was French.

And everyone knew — just knew — that the Jews had to file off their children’s horns and trim their tails before allowing them outside.  Et cetera.

American white-on-black racism, as a coherent theory, developed and first came to flower in the specific atmosphere of the late 18th and early 19th Centuries.  As is true of pretty much everything and everyone, it was a product of its time and bore the cultural stamps of that fact.  Which is to say that it had the vocabulary of modern science to frame its arguments.  Gobineau was similarly a product of the same era.

And as is also true of pretty much every argument that just happens — conveniently — to support the less defensible side of any argument (see, e.g: “climate change” causes everything from ice forming on the Great Lakes earlier in the season than for 40 years past to earthquakes to unusually quiet to unusually stormy hurricane seasons) the defenders of chattel slavery eagerly seized on “scientific” racism to show that American slavery, so far from being a blight, a disgrace, and a monstrosity, was inevitable and just and even beneficial to its victims.  Well.  Who could have seen that coming?

Ah! but life comes with so many double-edged swords, doesn’t it?  By embracing racism to justify the indefensible, the South backed itself, ideologically, into a corner.  If something is supported by scientific fact, you can’t very well choose to wash your hands of it, can you?  The South’s painting itself into a moral and ideological corner was a position that made come true John Brown’s scaffold prediction: that the sins of this guilty land could never be washed away except in blood.  And so it came to pass, in blood (nearly one percent of the gross American population died in that war; nearly a quarter of Southern males of military age did not come home: that’s death on a Great War or Great Patriotic War scale) and ashes.  Quite a bit of it Southern blood and almost exclusively Southern ashes.  But racism was the gift that kept on giving, so to speak.  It trapped the South’s consciousness in amber, like a beetle.  I mean, losing a war doesn’t alter scientific fact, does it?  Quite on the contrary, losing a war when you’re right on the merits does nothing more than to suggest all the more strongly that you mount the barricades (see, e.g: inter-war German politics).  It tells you that you must hold all the more tightly to the principles that got you into it; that you dance ever more insistently with the one that brung you to the dance.  It makes it nearly impossible to climb down, in short.

And that’s how it played out in the South for decades.  The South didn’t — couldn’t — climb down.  Indeed, the further the war receded into the past, the more fervently those who had never carried a rifle or served a gun waved the flag and mouthed the certainties that had ruined their ancestors.

Not until the ovens of Auschwitz cooled, and Americans could see the logical outcome of the proposition that some people aren’t truly human, was there an undeniable counter-example which had the potency to punch through the moral certainty the South had been carrying around its neck like a rotting fish for 70 years.  It’s too much to say that the Holocaust launched the civil rights movement, or that the fires of Warsaw provided the embers on which a million and more “whites only” signs were incinerated.  It is true, though, that what happened in Europe between 1939 and 1945 was that which could not be explained away, which could not be made to fit into any data set containing the idea of the sub-human.  It introduced a cognitive dissonance that, like all such phenomena, had to express itself.

Of course, just as wars turn their bloodiest when it’s plain which side is going to lose (compare the casualties post-March, 1918 with what had come before; compare the post-Stalingrad casualties on the Eastern Front to what came before), so it all played out with the South and racism, all over again, everything minus the invading armies.  Just as the abolition movement had provided the grain of sand about which the bastard pearl of racism formed, so the civil rights movement in its day brought those pearls out of the drawer, to be paraded around in broad daylight one last time.

I grew up in a small town in the South.  True, it was in what is usually described as the Upper South, which if not fully culturally distinct is still ascertainably different from the Lower South or the Coastal South.  And by 1980 the idea that Everything is About Race was dead there.  When I got to Charleston in the late 1980s, it was dead there, too.  I’m not saying that everyone joined hands in a circle and sang Sunday school songs.  I’m not saying that there neither was nor is any consciousness — on either side — that You’re Not Like Me, but no one, and I mean no one of any consequence at all, even pretended any more that “race” as such was anything like a guiding concept around which you could build a society.  The few people who still dared to express with favor the Old Ideas earned only looks from their listeners that said, as plainly as if they’d snorted it out loud, “What rock did you just crawl out from under?”  David Duke’s political career fizzled and went out.  By the late 1980s George C. Wallace was actively courting black votes . . . and was getting them.  What can it say about the resilience of race as a socio-political anchor that even Strom Thurmond in South Carolina found it inexpedient to wave that flag any more?  Whether he still believed it in his own heart is not the question, but rather whether he felt he could safely retain or had to jettison it from his political organization in order to stay in office.

So after 150 years even the South finally joined, kicking and screaming, perhaps, the consensus that, whatever else you may think about “race,” it’s not part of the bedrock of society.

And then came 2008.  We elected a candidate who promised to “heal” divisions which existed, if at all, mostly in the context of old scars (which undeniably might and did throb from time to time) of past fights.  What we got was a mountebank who himself and with his senior accomplices relentlessly pounded on the idea that yes, Dorothy, everything is and will always remain about race.  They not only never not let slip the chance to shut up about any tempting news-item that had the least “racial” component to it, but they actively involved themselves in those situations, and invariably on the side of inflammation.  Gentle Reader will note that not once has that administration ever pitched in on the side of “you all both need to calm the hell down and take a powder.”

On the contrary, they’ve gotten the official machinery of the federal government involved specifically to make about race situations which had bugger all to do with it.  A half-Latino neighborhood watch guy gets jumped and damn near killed by a punk who happens to be black, successfully defends himself, and in the process kills his assailant.  Does it matter that the survivor of the attack is anything but a WASP, that he grew up in a mixed-race family, that he actively campaigned on behalf of justice for a different black kid who got done wrong by the local police?  Of course not.  He must be prosecuted for murder, and threatened with financial ruin for “civil rights” violations.  A police officer is beaten by a violent felon (within minutes after committing the felony) who nearly succeeds in seizing the officer’s weapon, and then who, when ordered to stop and surrender (remember that the assault on the police officer was all by itself a felony, and so the officer had the right and the duty to arrest him for that if for no other reason), charges the officer and is shot dead.  Let’s send White House officials to the criminal’s funeral.  Let’s use our race-huckstering surrogates (Al Sharpton) to stir up orgies of looting, arson, and physical attacks.  Let’s enlist all the grievance-mongering organizations to insist that “justice” for this violent felon commands that we criminally prosecute an officer who did no more than his duty.

Quite the opposite from being the “first post-racial president,” we have in power and will for more than two years more have in power an administration that has successfully set about un-doing 150 or more years of moral progress in this nation.  He and those like him are doing it for the cynical reason of electoral advantage.  With the failings of the socialist economic model becoming ever more glaringly apparent, and the (to borrow a line from the socialists themselves) contradictions of the FDR political coalition fracturing the solidarity of the machine that delivered over 70 years of political domination to the Democrats, the left-extremists who have captured that party on the national level at least cannot hope for ascendancy without nearly 100% loyalty from their dwindling base.  Hence announcing that the borders are for all intents and purposes open.  Hence the vilification of every American black who strays from the plantation (ask Mia Love, Timothy Scott, and that other Republic fellow — can’t call his name from memory, whose accomplishments the NAACP has yet to acknowledge, let alone celebrate).  Ask Thomas Sowell.

They’re doing it principally for electoral advantage.  At least I’m wiling to grant them that much.  That’s how partisan politics works (it’s also why the Founding Fathers so sternly inveighed against what was then called “faction”).  There is, at least as to some of them — and alas! Dear Leader must be counted among these — another explanation.  A more subversive, sinister explanation.  An explanation which arises from a fundamental rejection of the American Experiment, and which seeks the splintering of American society, which underpins what these see as the abhorrent position America occupies in the world.  Thomas Sowell writes in several places about how the Ceylonese civil war came to pass.  At one time Ceylon was merely an island occupied by two culturally distinct groups, the Tamil and the Sinhalese, with the latter outnumbering the former.  What we Americans know as “affirmative action” was enlisted after independence to “rectify” alleged socio-politico-economic imbalances.  Unscrupulous leaders on both sides realized the potentialities of the situation, and began the same sort of race-baiting that we have come to expect from the current United States president.  There then followed decades of bloody civil war.  They made of a beautiful island a howling charnel house.  And as is the case with all civil wars (in fact, all wars in general), the longer it went on the more extreme the leadership on both sides became.  Carnage.

The Ceylonese civil war paralyzed the island.  Now, Ceylon is — I won’t say of no — but of very little consequence in how the rest of the world lives and works.  They could completely blow the place off the map and very few people outside their immediate circle would be tossed into physical or economic disaster.  At the risk of understatement, that’s not true of the United States.  Our position, for better or worse, is the anchor bolt to which most of the rest of the world is tethered.  There are some things that are just not going to change so long as the United States remains what and where it is.  This fact is recognized by the Marxists.  The destruction of American cultural and economic hegemony is therefore the lodestar of their political universe.  And the easiest way to destroy anything is to exploit the fissures which are already there, the fault lines which already run — however latently — through the structure.

Our Dear Leader is a Marxist to his core.  He was born to one, he lived for years in a household headed by one, he was raised to adulthood by two of them.  Launched on the mainland, he gravitated to them, sought out their political support, and eagerly received their teachings.  The world as he earnestly desires it to be cannot come about without the destruction of the United States as the world’s predominating cultural, economic, and political power.  It cannot.  Its position must therefore be destroyed, and whatever tends to that end is to be pursued.  Relentlessly.  Exciting passions, hacking open wounds, stoking fires of manufactured outrage are his efforts to pry open the fissures and faults in American society.  Because what disunites us weakens us.  Because we are the enemy.  Because our own president harbors an unextinguishable animosity for the country he leads.

Once more, Everything is Once More About Race.

The Case for an Elected Judiciary

From time to time you hear much moaning about how election of judges somehow introduces “politics” and “money” into the pristine world of the judiciary.  It’s an “attack on the independence” of the judges, we’re told.  It corrupts the process, we’re told.

I don’t think you can deny that election of judges introduces a political element into that branch of government.  Of course it does.  On the other hand, the appointment of judges is also highly politicized, and anyone who doesn’t think that happens is a drooling imbecile who does not deserve to be taken seriously.

Here in my own humble federal district we have two egregious examples.  One of our U.S. district court judges is married to a fellow who just happened to be one of the chief fund-raisers for a very prominent politician from around here.  A national, and even to some extent, world-wide prominent politician.  The fellow’s wife, who did not and does not enjoy any particular reputation for brilliance either as a lawyer or judge, somehow got herself on the local bankruptcy court bench (where the debtors’ lawyers found her to be dumb even by that court’s standards), and then equally magically fleeted up to the district court bench.  Where she will be until she drops dead or gets tired of it.  Another lawyer around here is a big union lawyer (that’s hard to do in a right-to-work state where unions have never been strong and are even weaker now); his firm even has the little union “bug” at the foot of its stationery.  His wife, whose practice revolved heavily around leveraging local political connections and who is equally undistinguished otherwise, is now on the federal appellate court for our circuit.  To pretend that either of those individuals got where they are by any means other than pure money politics is insulting to the listener.

Well, if both methods are riven with politics and money, what is the material point of distinction (if any)?  I’ll suggest the point of distinction lies in the answer to who makes up their constituency.  Is it the voters of the state at large, or is it a coterie of political insiders, mutually assisting each other to prominence through government connections?  I know which I prefer.  If a judge is going to have to suck up to someone to get his job, I’d just as leave that someone be me.

Can we agree that both election and appointment are, except in the single respect outlined above, indistinguishable on the issue of the role played by politics and money?  So how about garden-variety competence?  I pay attention to what happens in the court systems, both federal and state around here.  It’s sort of my job.  For the life of me I cannot tell that either method of selection is better about putting highly competent, highly ethical, and highly . . . judicial (for want of a better adjective) candidates on the bench.  Neither seems to do very well at picking all-stars or avoiding idiots.  Neither seems to do very well at picking judges who will not play favorites, or home-cook, or interject their personal politics into their decisions.  Neither does a very good job at identifying and avoiding those susceptible to black-robe fever.  In fact, the only argument in favor of either method of selection is that short of drawing lots for compulsory judicial service, no method conceivable and practicable would be any better at those things than the two we’ve got.

Does that leave us with anything to choose between the two?  I suggest we do have such a point on which to base a decision.  Which of the two methods makes it easier to get rid of the objectionable judges?  I think popular election to be the hands-down winner there.  Granted, it’s not easy.  Very, very few judicial recalls succeed, at least at the appellate level.

Rose Byrd out in California took it in the shorts a number of years ago, for her habitually far-left decisions.  Penny White in Tennessee paid the price for an outrageous capital punishment decision, when that supreme court ruled that, as a matter of law, an escaped felon’s raping a 70+ year-old virgin, stabbing her, and leaving her to bleed to death on the rear floor of her own car was not sufficiently “heinous, atrocious, and cruel” (as I think the relevant statute provided) as to support a death penalty.  As a matter of law, and bugger what twelve jurymen who’d heard all the proof, seen all the witnesses, and then unanimously decided otherwise had to say.  A couple of years ago a group of judges in either Kansas or Nebraska got run out of town, but just this month three supreme court judges in (once again) Tennessee survived a very well-financed effort to show them the door.

Un-election of trial-level judges is not always that difficult, but you still have to find a lawyer who’s willing to run and willing to deal with the fall-out of an unsuccessful effort.  Any candidate who’s willing to challenge an incumbent has to ask himself how well his practice is likely to do if he makes an enemy of the fellow he made actually run.  And if the incumbent is also tight with the other judges on that court, you have to ask what will that do to a lawyer’s livelihood if suddenly everyone in town knows that whenever a decision on any particular point could go one way or the other, that particular lawyer will never see one go his way.  The result of course is that you very seldom see a challenge made to an incumbent unless he’s commonly despised by both the bar and his colleagues.  While not a fool-proof standard, most judges don’t receive that degree of contempt unless they’ve well earned it.

Appointment, on the other hand, and especially lifetime appointment, produces statements like this, from a sitting U.S. Supreme Court justice:  According to Justice Ginsburg the “turmoil” in Ferguson, Missouri indicates that there is “a real racial problem” in America.  And the court is doing “little to help.”  This, by the way, from someone whose exposure to the lives and problems of ordinary Americans is likely limited to something asymptotically approaching zero.  She’s got no more clue as to how people in Ferguson (or in 99.9998% of other American towns, for that matter) live than she does of how Marines survive in modern combat.  So we can agree that she’s comfortable running her mouth about things that are closed books to her.

Where her comments really suggest that she could do with a contested election is her statement to the effect that once upon a time, the philosopher-kings of the Supreme Court were “leader[s] in rooting out discrimination,” citing specifically one of the worst-reasoned cases in recent decades, the Duke Power case, as what once was and should still be the court’s approach to “rooting out” things it doesn’t like.  Duke Power formally accepted the proposition that actionable discrimination can exist where a facially-neutral rule (such as, we have to assume in Ginsburg-land, “Do not beat police officers so badly you fracture their skull and they have to go to a hospital”) has a “disparate impact” on an identifiable group which you happen to favor, because their volitional behavior under or in response to that rule produces results that are distasteful to them, or as the ABA cheerleaders characterize the approach, “to evaluate polices that are neutral on their face but have a disproportionate impact on minorities.”

Notice, by the way, how the concept of “minorities” is divorced from the concept of “behavior” and “choices made.”  Here, let’s try another policy that is “neutral on its face” but that has a measurable “disproportionate impact” on “minorities”:  the rule that only licensed attorneys are eligible for most judicial office.  Obviously that policy is going to preclude the overwhelming majority of the “minorities” that are presently in favor with  the extreme-leftists of the ABA from holding judicial office.  For instance, a terrifying proportion of black males are convicted felons by the time they hit age 35 (if they live that long).  You can, and people do, honestly debate the policy of the statutes under which they are most frequently convicted (read: “war on drugs”), but unless something changes, those statutes are in fact the law and conviction of their violation in fact does establish you as a convicted felon.  Period.  And in pretty most states, convicted felons are for all practical purposes ineligible for admission to the bar, even if they pass through law school walking on water and parting it for those who can’t.  The alleged policy of restricting judicial office to lawyers is that supposedly only lawyers can be trusted not to bugger up decisions that impact people’s lives and fortunes.  I might accept that, except that for generations that was not the law and I’m not aware that the quality of jurisprudence back then was identifiably worse than it is now.  Further, a felon can lose his law license by reason of his conviction.  He’s not a lawyer any more, but you can’t show that his having been convicted has made him a damned bit less learned in the law.  Alternatively, you can know a boat-load about the law without ever holding a law license.  Case in point:  Herb Wechsler, one of the most respected constitutional scholars of the last half-century (he taught at Columbia) was not a lawyer.  Further, unless you’re willing to accept the proposition that all lawyers are equally qualified to be judges <sound of snot bubble blowing and bursting>, then you cannot allege that merely holding a law license qualifies you for judicial office.  Oh, but the Deep Thinkers will respond, that’s why you restrict the selection process to responsible political leaders, who will vet nominees and who will hold exhaustive confirmation hearings to ensure that Only the Best Need Apply.  Remind me again how holding a law license enables that process to work as designed?  Is a legislative panel unable to tell a numb-skull when presented with one unless he holds a law license?  Does holding a law license somehow make your character more transparent, so that an Alcee Hastings will sit revealed as a criminal when he comes before a senate judiciary committee (answer: no)?

In short, you’ve got a rule that has absolutely no verifiable relationship with the ill which it is supposed to avert, and yet which automatically excludes millions of Americans from holding judicial office.  So why then is it not unconstitutional, on a disparate-impact test, to require a law license for a judge?

I admit the lawyers-only rule is an extreme example.  Let’s look at something more prosaic:  school disciplinary rules.  The United States Department of Education now formally takes the position that even if neutral rules of discipline are administered absolutely, perfectly impartially, if members of a favored group get disciplined under them more frequently, that in and of itself can establish discrimination under the “disparate impact test.”  Let’s go to the money quotation:  “Schools also violate Federal law when they evenhandedly implement facially neutral policies and practices that, although not adopted with the intent to discriminate, nonetheless have an unjustified effect of discriminating against students on the basis of race. The resulting discriminatory effect is commonly referred to as ‘disparate impact.'”  Lest Gentle Reader think I’m cherry-picking an upper-level summary and quoting it out of context:  “Examples of policies that can raise disparate impact concerns include policies that impose mandatory suspension, expulsion, or citation (e.g., ticketing or other fines or summonses) upon any student who commits a specified offense – such as being tardy to class, being in possession of a cellular phone, being found insubordinate, acting out, or not wearing the proper school uniform[.]”

Thus, even if a black child who takes a baseball bat to a school locker is neither more nor less likely to be punished, and at an indistinguishable level of severity, than the child of Korean immigrants who similarly amuses himself, if just by the numbers more black children are punished under that rule because more black children engage in that behavior, then the rule is constitutionally suspect.

Justice Ginsburg thinks this is a swell way to run a school.  I’ll kiss your ass under every red light in town if either her children or grand-children have ever had to try to learn geometry in a classroom run along those lines.

Oh but “disparate impact” is harmless, Gentle Reader might say.  I mean, c’mon — school rules?  Can’t you think of something weightier than school rules?  Show me something with some substance to it.  Show me something where tip-toeing around a minority because that’s what they do actually has caused someone some harm.  Show me, in short, a reason to think that fuzzy-headed thinking like Ginsburg’s actually poses a risk to ordinary people in ordinary circumstances.

By curious happenstance, I can.  There’s a city in England, Rotherham, of about 250,000 people.  Roughly 8% of its population is Pakastani (whom the politicians and newspapers insist on describing as “Asian,” as if they were indistinguishable in their habits from the folks living in Rotherham whose ancestors came from Hong Kong).  For 16 years now the police and the town council have been fully aware (in fact numerous written studies were commissioned and completed) that organized gangs of Pakistani males, ages 20-30, have been systematically preying on white girls as young as 11 and 12 years old, gang-raping them, whoring them out, and generally sexually exploiting them.  Books, in fact, have been written by survivors; they have been interviewed and those interviews published.  As long ago as 2007.  The minimum known number of victims is around 1,400, although the true number is likely to be well in excess of that.  One thousand four hundred.  One of the children referenced in one of the many official reports was having sex with up to five men . . . at age 12.  One of the perps was caught with a pre-teen victim, drunk in his car, and with naked pictures of her on his cell phone.  She was 12 at the time (she was already known to the police; they’d identified her at age 11 as having sex with adult males); he walked.

All this was known.  Known to the police.  Known to the child welfare agencies.  Known to the town council.  And not a damned one of them did anything.  Not.  One.  Goddam.  Thing.  Why not?  Well, let’s let the MP from Rotherham for 18 years tell it like it was:  “Denis MacShane, MP for Rotherham from 1994 to 2012, actually admitted to the BBC’s World At One that ‘there was a culture of not wanting to rock the multicultural community boat, if I may put it like that. Perhaps, yes, as a true Guardian reader and liberal Leftie, I suppose I didn’t want to raise that too hard.'”  But why Pakistani males and English girls?  Surely the Pakistani males could have had much easier access to their own girls, right?  “There are other hopeful signs. The Rotherham scandal seems temporarily to have silenced those who insist, every time a child-grooming case is exposed, that most paedophiles are white. Indeed they are; but the Rotherham abusers were not paedophiles. They were men of Pakistani heritage slaking their lust on young girls they regarded as white trash because they knew they could get away with it.”

Because they could get away with it, and knew they could get away with it.  Because the law was not enforced against them.  “Perhaps we should expect no more when community preservation is outsourced to bureaucracies, but the unavoidable reality is that on many occasions, Rotherham police came upon children being sexually exploited—in some cases, in the very instance of being raped—and arrested no one. The perpetrators are Pakistani; they might call us racists. The children seemed to consent. These gangs are violent.”

In short, because enforcement of the laws against gang-raping 11-year-olds might have had a “disparate impact” on a minority.  In Rotherham we see the logical conclusion of the philosophy that Justice Ginsburg thinks such a wonderful thing.

And this is why we need an elected judiciary.

All Your Children are Belong to Us — Or Not?

Some months ago I wrote about a family in Germany, the Wunderlichs, who wanted to, and for a time did, home-school their children.

For their troubles, a group of 20 police officers and sundry official hand-wringers descended on their home in a suburb of Darmstadt in the early morning hours of August 29, 2013.  They’d brought a battering ram with them.  Did I mention that the Wunderlichs are both gardeners by trade?  Not weapons smugglers, domestic terrorists, nor even <sharp intake of breath> Tea Partiers.  Fortunately for all concerned, Mr. Wunderlich opened the door, and so the SWAT-style equipment wasn’t deployed.

Their children were taken away from them, physically for three weeks (the parents were allowed one visit, on their youngest child’s birthday), and only returned upon their undertaking to send them to a “regular” school.  But the courts stripped them of the legal authority to made educational decisions for their children, to select where they lived with the children, and in fact of just about every right or power over them except to provide them with housing, clothing, and food.

I linked both the original German court ruling and the HSLDA’s translation of it.  I won’t plow that field again, but suffice it to say that the court’s reasoning was deeply disturbing in its implications.

This week the Oberlandesgericht in Frankfurt am Main (there’s actually another Frankfurt, way out east, on the Oder River) reversed the lower court decision, at least as to the children’s custody, granting the parents full custody and decisional authority over their children.  Here’s a report from a local paper (unfortunately it’s in German); here’s a write-up over at the HSLDA.

While they’re doubtless relieved once again to be recognized by the eye of the law, as well as that of their God (their home-schooling the children is based ultimately on their religious convictions), to be lawfully charged with their children’s up-bringing, the Wunderlichs are in legal limbo now.  The OLG ruled that depriving them of custody was “disproportionate” to their offense, but specifically pointed out that they’re subject to the criminal laws on the subject.  Fines and/or up to six months in jail are the tariff in that respect, it seems.

While not as disturbing as the administrative court, the OLG’s reasoning, at least as reported (I’ve looked for a link to the actual decision but haven’t able to locate it yet) is still unsettling.  The court reiterated the official line that home-schooling represents “endangerment” to the children’s welfare.  Well, why?  It’s not because the children are stupid or uneducated or maladjusted, because they’re not.  In fact the newspaper report describes the court’s characterization of their educational level as “high.”  Likewise their “social competency” does not appear limited.  But if not those, then what else?  Well, the court pointed out that mere transmission of knowledge is not the full function of the school.  Rather, attending a regular school serves the function of affording the children “the opportunity to grow into the community’s life.”  In other words, it’s a danger to the children because they might not grow up like us.

As I pointed out when I first posted on this story, to lay universal claim to the integration of children into a specific societal system through the mechanism of compulsory attendance in government-run schools is neither more nor less than the same claim, on the same basis, as that made by the fascists and the communists.  I hypothesized (because he didn’t live long enough to marry) the children of Dietrich Bonhoeffer, and whether he would have been justified in home-schooling them to keep them out of the clutches of the national socialist school system.

I think my assertion on that point was correct then, and I’ll re-state it:  You must permit families like the Wunderlichs because you dare not forbid families like the hypothetical Bonhoeffers.

 

Anyone for a Nice Steaming Dish of I-Told-You-So?

As I think I’ve observed here before, a number of years ago I heard someone with the smarts and education to know better make the statement, “There’s no difference between fundamentalist Christians, fundamentalist Jews, and fundamentalist Moslems.”

Bullshit.

Fundamentalist Christians don’t do this.

Where are the Imams in the West?  Where are the Imams in Indonesia?  Where are the Imams in the Middle East?  Where are the scholars of the Religion of Peace pointing out precisely in the Koran where it says this ol’ dog won’t hunt?  Why are we not cited to the writings, ancient and modern, of their theologians setting out in painful detail why these things are impermissible and are inherently impermissible?  I want someone to show me, book, chapter, and verse, how it is that these practices not only are not condoned by, but are irreconcilable with, the teachings of the prophet.

Is it, maybe, because it can’t be done?

A couple of months ago, over at PJMedia.com, there appeared a sobering article, “Islam’s ‘Protestant Reformation,'” the crux of which is the semantic problems with the notion of “reform” and “reformation.”  Just like Dear Leader’s proposing to grant up to 11,000,000-odd illegal immigrants the legal ability to subvert American law, society, and economy is branded as “immigration reform,” so those who talk about “reforming” the Religion of Peace don’t do a great deal of un-packing that expression.

I’ve never read the Koran.  I’ve read what purport to be excerpts from the Koran.  In truth I’ve also never read the entirety of the Christian Bible, either, although my exposure to that is of course much greater.  The thrust of the above-linked PJM article is that, based solely on the ur-texts of the religion, those groups which we in the West think of as “radical” actually have the better argument of their co-religionists.  Oh, of course, all the folks with the “Co-exist” bumper stickers on their cars trot out the odd, not-too-particularized, upper-level sugar-coated line or three from the Koran to demonstrate that it is, in fact, a Religion of Peace.  But for every such all-join-hands-in-a-circle passage, the likes of ISIS, Boko Haram, and al Qaeda can — and do — un-reel yards of very explicit instructions to do precisely what they’re doing, viz. wiping out every religion other than the Religion of Peace by forcibly converting or exterminating their adherents.

So maybe the reason why we hear crickets from the Muslims in the West is because they know, even if they won’t admit it to us dhimmi, that it’s an argument they can’t win, at least not within the four corners of their scriptures.

If they do feel that they can win that argument on its own terms, then their silence is all the more unforgivable, they having a duty, I suggest, to win it.  If they do genuinely believe that what is being done by the likes of ISIS is repugnant to the very nature of their religion, but stand mutely by, then it means they must agree with what is being done.  Does Gentle Reader recall the Catholic American Conference of Bishops back in the 1980s, weighing in or what the United States was doing in Central America?  The bishops believed (stupidly and incorrectly as a matter of theology, I would suggest) that America’s support, covert and overt, for those groups fighting the communist infiltrators could not be squared with the precepts of Christianity.  And they stepped forward and said so, in plain Saxon.  Likewise the religious leaders of Christian Europe regularly stand up and pop off about things that are being done, on a secular basis, by their co-religionists.  Even during wartime, the Church of England openly debated to what extent the strategic bombing campaign over Germany could or could not be reconciled with Christianity.  So don’t hand me a bunch of shit that because the Religion of Peace is somehow “under attack,” by those awful Joooosssss who’ll insist on having rockets launched at themselves, it’s therefore morally acceptable for those outside the combat zones to stand by and watch in silence as these scenes of horror — explicitly pursued on a sectarian basis, by the way — unfold.

I’m not interested in a religion, or a God, who can’t tell the difference between what is being done by ISIS, Boko Haram, and al Qaeda on the one hand, and by loonies like the Westboro Baptist Church on the other.