Sometimes You Can Actually See How Deep the Rot Goes

. . . when you come across something like this PBS quiz.  They pose you twelve super-generic questions and from that want to tell you how “conservative” or “liberal” you are.

One of the considerations when launching a blog (even before the question, “Who would give a damn anyway?”) has to be the entry-level question of what will I ever think of to write about, on a daily or more frequent basis?  The law of ideal gases applies outside the laboratory, after all.  We’ve now got — what? — 500-odd television channels, yet you can wear out both thumbs trying to find something on worth watching, unless you short-circuit the process and go to a channel where all they do is run old stuff.  If you’re willing to confine yourself to perusing distillations of the very best of 60 years of television and the very best of 80 years of movies then yes, you probably can find something to watch.  But if you want something new, something fresh?  The same amount of quality has expanded to fill a vastly increased space, with the result that the individual molecules are that much farther apart.  And if all those tens of thousands of people in Entertainment, who have years’ experience and billions of dollars of money washing about the industry, cannot reliably come up with something that a person of average-or-better intelligence would pay attention to except under compulsion, what is the likelihood that a lone blogger, somewhere between keeping the office doors open, the pantry reasonably stocked, the clothes washed, homework done, supper cooked, and the dishes washed, will be able to do it?  Daunting, I think was the word Jeeves told me it was.

And then along comes PBS and serves up a meatball like this idiot quiz.  Seven of the twelve questions relate to what are economic matters.  One is asked to agree or disagree, or somewhere in between, with statements like, “Business corporations make too much profit.”  Other than the drunk-on-a-barstool nature of the statement itself (one is involuntarily reminded of Grandpa Simpson’s complaint that, “There are too many states these days!”), can anyone spot the fallacy in weighting the answer?

Right:  It’s the assumption that completely disagreeing with the statement is a “conservative” position.

Disappointingly predictable is the PBS Marxist assumption that free markets are somehow “conservative.”   Nothing could be farther from the truth.  You cannot “conserve” anything, anything at all, once you concede freedom to people to house, clothe, and feed themselves by their own efforts, talents, and luck. Freedom has never produced an hereditary nobility, or an NKVD, or party-machine politics, or crony capitalism, or tariff walls, or Berlin Walls, or cartels, or any of the other structures, systems, and habits the effect (and it’s the effect that matters, dear children, not the intent) of which is stasis of human achievement, growth, fulfillment, or prosperity. 

The supposition that free markets are inherently monopolistic, inherently retrogressive, inherently oppressive is an idea that traces straight back to Karl Marx, one of the most economically illiterate writers who ever should have had his thumbs lopped before he found his way to the ink well.  Marx’s ideas stood in diametric opposition to, and were contemporaneous with, the movements which repealed the Corn Laws and the Navigation Acts in Britain.  Both of those latter movements were hailed, and rightly so, by the great masses of Britons as being enormously liberating, enormously empowering, and greatly to their own advantage.

Every socio-politico-economic arrangement in history you can name which has had the effect of entrenching some to the detriment of others has come into existence and endured solely because it enlisted the coercive power of government to maintain itself.  Chattel slavery could never have existed without government’s enforcement of it, both by way of things like the fugitive slave laws and by dragooning the locals, slave-owning or not, into slave patrols.  For years the ICC permitted railroads to charge higher freight rates out of the South than into it, with the result that products of the South operated at an additional disadvantage relative to their northern competitors.  Sugar is as expensive as it is here not because it’s unavoidably expensive to produce, but because the government forbids us to buy foreign-produced sugar, which is much cheaper than what can be grown this far north, as cheaply as it can be produced and got here (in fact, it was the Big Boss of the largest U.S. sugar company who was on the telephone with Bill Clinton while Monica Lewinsky was fellating Clinton in the Oval Office).  Railroad cartels arose not because there was something inherently monopolistic about them, but because you can’t build a railroad without the power of eminent domain.  If the cartel owns the legislature what do you think the odds of securing that power to a railroad that doesn’t agree to become part of the cartel?  The Schechter Poultry case arose because a couple of kosher butchers (hence their name) violated the National Recovery Act’s prohibition that customers . . . wait for it:  be allowed to choose their own chicken to be slaughtered for their own damned dinner table.  There were also then pending prosecutions for failing to charge the minimum price for a pair of trousers.  Wickard v. Filburn affirmed the proposition that government can forbid you to feed your own family from the produce of your own land, if doing so will enable you not to buy from the industries who dominate the legislature.  And so forth.  The Consumer Financial Protection Board, acting under Dodd-Frank, is set fair to annihilate your community bank’s ability to continue offering home mortgages.  The compliance costs will crush them, the liability for non-compliance will destroy them.  So if you want to concentrate the home lending market into even fewer hands, too-big-to-fail hands, just wait it bit.  And if your community bank can’t make home loans, in 20 years there will be scarcely any left.  The Local Banker, who has been a not-always-loved fixture of the American scene for 200-plus years, will go the way of the dinosaurs, and for the same reason.  The planet that both inhabited will have been hit by some external disruption that wipes out the environment they live in, at a stroke.  The only difference is that no one chose to aim an asteroid at the earth 65 million years ago.

It was the genius of the constitutional framers in 1787 that the document they wrote denied the ability to federal government to shackle the people to entrenched powers. To the extent we have forgot that and permitted the federal government to impinge on our freedoms — whether the ICC in the 1800s, or Roosevelt’s NRA in the 1930s, or today’s CFPB and its 60,000-odd regulations — we have done nothing more than cement in power the haves, and assured the have-nots that they have naught better to hope for than crumbs from the table.

What we have-nots will be left with is the pork barrel.  And here is appropriate a bit of history.  The expression “pork barrel” to refer to the scramble for bits of money, power, and perks from the government first arose back in the 1800s.  Back during the days of gang labor.  Back during the days of slave labor.  It referred to the actual, physical barrels of salt pork which were typically the slave’s only or at least primary source of animal protein (except for chickens they might have been permitted to keep, or what they could steal from Massa’s smokehouse).  It was miserable stuff, mostly fat anyway, and of course eaten with maggots.  The meat of it was hard as a rock (it was, in short, the same stuff we fed sailors in the navy).  The expression “pork barrel” came into use to describe the scramble for money because approximately the same scene unfolded when a new pork barrel was opened in the slaves’ presence.  If you wanted a halfway decent piece to take back to your cabin so that maybe tonight your children would not go to sleep quite as hungry, then by God you saw to it that your hand got in that barrel first.

The pork barrel, in sum, was what you offered your slaves periodically.

PBS and its masters have once again betrayed just how deeply they have drunk from an essentially Marxist well of thought.  For them freedom is threatening.  For them freedom is oppressive.  For them freedom is an active impediment to the achievement of the workers’ and peasants’ paradise on earth. 

In fact freedom is corrosive. You cannot be either “conservative” or leftist and permit freedom, because (with apologies to Winston Groom) freedom is in fact like a box of chocolates. You really don’t know what you’re going to get.

Wonder Where This Glide Path Ends?

I can’t recall who it was who first observed that fascism is always descending on America, but always landing on Europe.  Certainly that’s been the case up until now.  Our most recent assurances that fascism was on its way was during the Bush administration, when the hand-wringers at the NYT and those like them were just convinced that the administration’s monitoring international cross-border communications among known terrorist affiliates was somehow the foundation stone of a new chain of concentration camps — one coming soon to a neighborhood near you — and bearing the smiling face of Bushitler over the gates.  These hand-wringers would be the same crew who haven’t weighed in much about Dear Leader’s assertion that he has the right — unilaterally and secretly — to promulgate a kill list disposition matrix under which anyone in the world outside the U.S., including U.S. citizens, may be blasted to shreds of meat by a missile fired from a lazily-circling drone.

But what do I know?

The ominous quotation from this article about Golden Dawn, Greece’s nascent and increasingly fashionable fascist party, comes from the fellow — an MP for Golden Dawn — who allows, “Most nations, well, not the US or Australia, have a single nationality that defines its culture and Greece must return to this ideal.  The Golden Dawn is a very well organised party that is intervening to support and help people. Without us in a country where two million of ten million people are illegal, there would be chaos.” 

Some years ago I read a book by Ludwig von Mises (can’t recall the title any more, alas) in which he identifies as the point where Europe began the course change which pointed it towards the rocks of the 20th Century that point at which became common currency the idea that each linguistic group needed to be gathered into one polity purged of other linguistic groups.  At that time, of course, we had two — actually, three — enormous polyglot empires in Europe, the Habsburg, the Ottoman, and the Russian.  Each of their dozens of native languages, in many cases fragmented across the map, had sullenly chafed under distant monarchs for centuries.  But then pretty much everyone chafed under monarchies for centuries, when you get right down to it.  The German-speaking serf in 18th Century Austria was neither in better nor worse shape than his Polish- or Hungarian-speaking counterpart in the 19th Century . . . or the 14th.  The wheels began to loosen on their hubs when someone whispered in his great-grandchild’s ear that it was an outrage not so much that he was a peasant but that he had all these Czechs cluttering up the place.  To say nothing of all those filthy Joooooosssss.  And so forth.

How deeply that idea took root we got to see when the restraining forces of the monarchies crumbled with the end of the Great War.  The fistful of nation-states that sprang into existence in Central Europe were not creations of the peace-making process; they were called into being by whichever dominant ethnic group happened to live there and by the time of the Paris Conference in 1919 they were facts on the ground that could not be ignored.  What didn’t change, however, was the geographic distribution of the groups within those new states.  Every single successor state had within its borders large numbers of language groups which had — from their perspective, at least — only traded dominance by some lantern-jawed Habsburg or nitwit Romanov or strutting and puffing Hohenzollern for dominance by the People’s Party of Whatever-the-Hell majority ethnic group happened to have seized the levers of power in the neighborhood.

In short, they all had the Minorities Problem, only this time the groups’ jealousies and resentments had the blessing of America’s first quasi-fascist national politician, Woodrow Wilson, and his pernicious doctrine of “self-determination.”  For all his posturing as a Deep Thinker and Mr. Cosmos himself in the flesh, Wilson like any other human could not see the world from any frame of reference other than his own.  Of course everyone ought to have the right of “self-determination,” because it had worked so well in the U.S.  Everyone pretty much rubbed along (well, except for that lynching thing across the South and up into Indiana, which Wilson really doesn’t seem to have had much problem accepting) and whether it was the Tammany Democrats or the Boston Brahmins in charge at any particular moment, we all more or less agreed on the rules of the game and we’d self-determined to throw in together.  Hell’s bells; we’d even fought a civil war that decided once and for all that we really had thrown in together and for keeps.

So what could go wrong with transplanting that notion of “self-determination” onto an ethnic mosaic the forms of which had begun to coalesce with the latter days of the Western Roman Empire (there’s a reason “Romania” is nowhere near Italy, guys) and the massive migrations of the next few hundred years?  The Sudeten Germans who had migrated to Bohemia beginning in the 1300s and by the 1900s comprised around a quarter of the total population of ancient Bohemia were simply among the more prominent groups — and more pregnant with mischief.  The Sorbians, a Germanic people who spoke a Slavic language, and who gave names to such places as Drežhdany — “forest swamp dwellers” — which we now know as Dresden, were among the lesser.  Toss in several million Roma and Sinti, Ruthenians, Slovenians, Rumelians, Bulgars, Croats, Ukrainians, and millions upon millions of Jews (Wilson’s high-falutin’ principles don’t seem to have applied to them), mix them in with several centuries’ worth of genuine grievance and several generations of demagoguery, and you’d think anyone with more than just walking-around sense would expect something along the lines of what actually happened.

But not Wilson.  To understand how disastrous Wilson’s influence on history was, you have to understand how nearly universally admired the United States was back then, even among people who couldn’t stand Americans because we were . . . well, we acted like Americans.  [One of my favorite Twain passages is from The Innocents Abroad, in which he describes some American in a Paris restaurant loudly proclaiming himself a “free-born sovereign, sir,” an American, who never dined without wine, sir, and so forth; Twain observed that he failed to mention that he was also a “lineal descendant of Balaam’s ass, but we all knew that without his saying so.”]  When Wilson spoke he did so not as some momentarily-successful politician.  When Wilson spoke he gave words, specific words, to an abstract and idealized Promised Land, a secular Zion for the Gentiles, which millions of people all over Europe looked up to.  Many of them had family members, fellow villagers, friends, or fellow parishioners who had crossed the oceans and sung the praises of the Land of Unlimited Opportunity in writing.  When Wilson began to bloviate it was the same as if in ancient Rome the massive statue of Capitoline Jove had in fact opened its mouth and said, “So let it be done.”

Had Lloyd George or Clemençeau blathered about a bunch of “self-determination,” it would have swirled about the floor a few times then gone right down the drain.  Wilson gave the idea the sanction of Idealized America.

After World War II, that is, after the next round in the fight which Versailles made if not inevitable then something which only phenomenal luck could have avoided, Central Europe solved a large measure of its Minorities Problem.  The minorities got their country asses kicked out, is what happened, frequently on twelve hours’ or less notice.  Ox carts full of possessions (and frequently pulled by their owners, the animals in the span long since having dropped dead or vanished into a cooking pot somewhere along the line), parents slogging along loaded down with pathetic bundles, filthy, emaciated children in tow, their faces bearing the pole-axed look that only violated innocence can show, the corpses of those who could no longer keep up lining the road sides: all those were part of the landscape in 1945-46.  Who has counted the loss?  Who has measured the suffering?  Who today traces the psychic scars of those savage adjustments on the survivors and their descendants?

The EU is no more exempt from the Law of Unintended Consequences than is any other human undertaking.  Its intentional obliteration of barriers to human movement has encouraged exactly that.  And with it is returning the Minorities Problem.  Whether it’s “illegals” in Greece or cheap Polish labor flooding Germany (won’t someone please explain to Germany that fixing their demographic issues is fun?  I mean, guys, c’mon, you’ve got a statistically irrefutable mandate to hop in the sack as frequently as you can and with as little precaution as possible; so shuck them clothes and Get it On), or the Islamization of wide areas of ancient European cities, the tide is setting towards the rocks, once again.

Pray God we may not see Europe visited with Wilson’s legacy once more.

The Proof of the Pudding

. . . being in the tasting, in evaluating the relative merits of the two visions of the citizen-state relationship on offer this coming Tuesday, might we not with profit ask ourselves:  From which of the two systems are people most intimate with it willing to endure the greatest hazards to escape it?

Exhibit A:  China is having a hard time holding on to precisely those people which it must, absolutely must, keep as willing participants in the great adventure that is China if it is to continue to flourish.

Exhibit B:  The Antifaschistische Schutzmauer, better known over here as the Berlin Wall, which up to 200 people died trying to cross between its 1961 construction and its 1989 breach (this ignores those shot elsewhere along the border between the two Germanies).

Exhibit C:  The periodic waves of people fleeing Castro’s Cuba.

You know, I’m not a Deep Thinker, and certainly not one of them Sophisticated Northeasterners, and so I tend to ask real damned simple questions, and to weigh the answers accordingly.  But I’m just going to go out on a limb here and say that if large numbers of people are willing to throw everything they’ve ever worked for overboard, if they’re willing to risk being shot, if they’re willing to consign their nearest loved ones staying behind to prison (if they’re lucky), just in order to escape your system . . . then you might ought to think real hard about whether you need to change how you do things.

Friede sei mit Euch!

Seven years ago today, the re-built Frauenkirche in Dresden was reconsecrated.

When I first saw the church it was a very tall (I’d guess thirty or more feet) pile of black-stained rubble, with two hunks of burned stone wall sticking out. It stood all alone in the middle of a very wide open space, the new market. It was February, 1986, and although no one could know it at the time, the whole German Democratic Republic thing had only three-and-a-half more years to run before it got irretrievably stuck in the ditch. 

The church, the second on that site, had been built between 1726 and 1743 and was designed by the city’s municipal master builder, a boy name of George Bähr. He’d been born in 1666, in Füurstenwalde out in the sticks, and then moved to Dresden to make his bones in the city. Augustus the Strong – sufficiently strong that he was rumored to have fathered some 300 children (not by the same woman, I understand) – had become King of Poland (and converted to Catholicism for the occasion, he perhaps agreeing with Henry IV on the point) and wanted a proper residence city. What the people who were going to pay for his building schemes had to say is not well-recorded. Perhaps they weren’t asked (poor old Augustus; he lived before people knew to label that sort of thing “stimulus”). 

The city of Dresden had joined the Reformation. The original Frauenkirche of course pre-dated all that and had thus begun as a Catholic church, but was converted to Protestant use when the city made the jump. It was a municipal church; that is, it belonged to the city and not to any particular organizational unit of the Protestant church. And it was in very, very bad shape. In fact by the second decade of the 1700s it was more or less unusable. 

Money was the hang-point, as it always is. But they could plan. They invited proposals from Matthäus Pöppelmann, the builder of the Zwinger (a summer palace down by the river), from several others, and from their newly-appointed master carpenter. [N.b. Bähr was appointed municipal master carpenter before he was actually a master carpenter, a pretty high compliment, when you think about it.] Bähr’s proposal, for an enormous stone octagon supporting a stone dome, got the nod. 

Inside the lay-out is very much in tune with the Protestant emphasis on preaching the Gospel, and in baptism as the becoming one of God’s children. The pulpit juts out towards the congregation like the prow of a whaling boat, the baptismal font just behind it, and both well in front of the altar. The main floor for the congregation is arc-shaped in a rounded space formed by the eight pillars which support the 12,000 tons of inner dome and double-shell outer dome. Above the main floor are three galleries in a horseshoe shape. The effect is as nearly as possible to project the central function of the church – preaching – front and center into the physical space occupied by the congregation. 

They’d finally scraped up enough money to start by 1726. During construction the money kept running short, however, prompting Bähr to spend his own money to keep the work going. He ended up impoverishing his family with the effort, and worn down by intrigue and mounting criticism of his church’s stability, he died the day after his birthday in 1738. It wasn’t until five years later that the final touches were added. 

Dresdners promptly fell in love with their church. The loved her magnificent beauty indoors, play of light off copious gilding and the almost luminescent paint of the interior; they loved how she towered above their city, visible for miles around. They loved how people from all over Europe came to marvel at it (it was and remained for over 200 years the largest domed structure north of the Alps). They loved the magnificent pipe organ, designed by the great Gottfried Silbermann and played by no less than Bach himself. Silbermann and Bähr had got cross-ways on the design of the organ case. Silbermann was accustomed to design everything about the organ (which he in fact had done for the church at Forchheim, also built by Bähr), but Bähr decided that the organ was part of the architecture of the space and so insisted on his prerogative. They loved the paintings on the inner dome, four representing the evangelists, alternating with four showing the virtues of faith, hope, love, and mercy (the virtues are represented by females figures, all of which showed the same face; the speculation is that the artist might have used Bähr’s third wife as the model). 

Shortly before midnight on February 13, 1945, the Lancasters of Air Marshal Arthur Harris appeared above the city, in two waves. Dresden had not been bombed yet. Her medieval inner city streets, tightly packed with ancient buildings, was a tinder box. The bomber fleets that night carried almost no high explosives; the British just set out to see how big a fire they could start. The flames were visible to the aircrew over 200 miles away. In the morning the 8th Air Force B-17s showed up and added of their plenty. 

The city was full, and was known to be so, of civilian refugees from points farther east, fleeing from the Red Army. No effort was made, at all, to target the few military or quasi-military targets (thermite bombs will not wreck a railroad switching yard, or drop a stone or steel bridge into the water; the few armaments factories in the area were at the edge of town or completely across the river, well outside the attack’s target zone). Depending on whom you ask, between 35,000 to 150,000+ people died that night. Many of them were so completely incinerated by the firestorm that no trace of them was left to count when the stones had cooled. The firestorm generated winds sufficiently powerful that they sucked streetcars through the air towards the core of the flames. 

The Frauenkirche was not hit by any high explosives, and of course the incendiaries couldn’t penetrate the dome (the outer shell is 30 or more inches thick, depending on precise location). But the thermite lit the fires of hell; the temperature inside the church is estimated at close to 1,000 degrees Celsius. The eight pillars supporting that massive dome glowed bright red, until the sandstone itself disintegrated. 

And the church came down, late morning of February 15, 1945. There she lay for the next 45 years. The locals kicked up enough fuss to prevent the ruins from being cleared off in the immediate aftermath of the war, and eventually the whole site was declared a war memorial. 

By 1985 the city had decided to rebuild, once they finished with the palace and its church (the latter sporting its own Silbermann organ) and the opera building (designed by Gottfried Semper). Reunification caught them first, but the idea had taken hold, and shortly after the Wende (the “turn”) a group of a dozen or so citizens put the word out. What sort of church should they re-build? Being Germans they worried that question half to death, with some designs being suggested that were as hideously ugly as only modern architecture can be. In the end, though, they decided that it should be as it originally was (which was somewhat different, by the way, from how it looked in 1945; for instance the interior pillars had been re-painted a sort of greenish color at some point, while their original was a multi-hued faux marble appearance). 

Reaction started modestly, but boy howdy did it grow. The eventual reconstruction cost €180 million, of which €100 million was raised by public subscription. The Dresdner Bank chipped in €7 million of its own, and raised another 70 or so through sponsoring various fund-raising drives. An American doctor (born in Germany, as a young child he’d been one of the refugees who made it through Dresden before the bombing and had seen the church) gave his entire prize money for his Nobel in medicine to the effort. The British paid to re-build the cross atop the church, and by ironic happenstance the silversmith who got the commission was the son of one of the men at the stick on one of those Lancasters. A Polish survivor of the resistance drummed up the cash to sponsor one of the vase-and-flame structures on an exterior tower. There were charitable trusts set up in Britain, the U.S., Switzerland, and France. Masons and other craftsmen came from all over Germany (and from even further afield; one of the apprentice stone cutters was American). 

Being German, when they began unstacking the rubble, they mapped out exactly where in the pile they found each re-usable stone and measured it, compared it to the original plans (which, being German, they also still had), ran it through a computer simulation in 3-D to see how it would fit, and then, as and when they could, being German, they put it exactly right back where it came from. According to the chief builder Eberhard Burger, of the roughly 21,500 cubic meters of rubble they were able to salvage approximately 7,000 of it for re-use, which when added to the remaining structural components would yield about 40% or so original material in the re-built church.

The original stones are still stained black, and so it lends a curious speckled appearance to the fassade, the balance of which is a sort of light honey colored sandstone. 

On October 30, 2005, they reconsecrated their Frauenkirche. The prime seats on the main floor, other than those reserved for dignitaries, were allocated to surviving members of the congregation, with preference for those baptized or married in the church (two older women participated in the service itself; one had been baptized 81 years before). Ludwig Güttler, the world-famous trumpeter and professor, lead the musicians from the organ loft (I don’t see how he could have the breath to blow; I’d have been too choked up, were I in his place). Eberhard Burger likewise participated, and in places if you watch you can see him choking back tears. The three bishops who had superintended the whole process were the chief celebrants. 

Here’s an excerpt, from immediately after the consecration of the entire church (they had done the pulpit, the baptismal font, the altar, and the organ separately). The chorale is “Allein Gott in der Höh sei Ehr,” one of the very earliest Protestant hymns, dating from the mid-1520s. 

One of the nice things about running a blog is you get to write about stuff that interests you, even if no one else. This day I claim my rights in that regard.

 

A Time for Choosing

Forty-eight years ago today, Ronald Reagan delivered a speech on behalf of Barry Goldwater.  The speech has become known as “A Time for Choosing.”

 Listen to the speech.  Listen to all of it.  Speeches which have any sort of historical legs all seem to share one attribute:  You can listen to them, or read them, decades, generations later, in some cases centuries, and they still read fresh.  The ideas and the concerns and the hopes they capture transcend the verities of the moment.  From Washington’s Farewell to Webster’s Second Reply to Hayne to the Gettysburg Address and the Second Inaugural, through to Churchill’s Beaches and Finest Hour:  They are all immediate to us now.

We still struggle with the problems brought by entangling foreign alliances; we watch what happens when men who deny any God higher than themselves assume the helm of state.  The fact of union, from out of many lands and peoples, and what that means for the hope of the world, is at the very center of gravity of civilization.  We forever exhort ourselves to grant this last, best hope of the earth a new birth of freedom, and highly resolve that our honored dead shall not have died in vain.  As we struggle over whether to depose blood-soaked tyrants half a world away, and as we fondly hope and fervently pray that the scourge of war may quickly pass from us, we still try to balance a heart bearing malice towards none and charity for all against that necessary firmness in the right, as (we hope) God gives us to see the right, that will permit us to finish the great work we are in.  And when we are attacked, we vow that we shall fight our enemies every step of the way, from behind every fence, every shop building, in every ditch and at every creek and river crossing.  We hope that when our remote descendants examine us under the cold, unforgiving light of history, knowing then what we cannot know now, they will say of us that ours was the finest hour (although we’d be mighty proud if we never are asked to prove it up).

I don’t mean to suggest that Reagan achieved the towering heights of Lincoln or Churchill.  I am no student of rhetoric, but I do question whether snippets of his will still be part of our civil DNA 100 years hence.  What I do mean to suggest is that in much the same matter-of-fact voice of Washington, he outlined for us the choices presenting themselves to us, and that his foresight of these choices and his description of them and their portent is in its own way every bit as prescient as Washington’s in 1796.  Here then, is Ronald Reagan in 1964, almost twenty years before he dared Mr. Gorbachev to tear down this wall: 

And are Their Dead no Less Dead?

. . . That is, the Sinti and Roma, which we English-speakers describe as “Gypsies”?

The horror of the Holocaust sometimes burns so blazingly bright that it destroys our ability to understand that the Jews were not the only group consigned to death by the Nazis.  The homosexuals of course were done to death as and when caught (OK, it’s impossible not to note that the fellow who composed “Des Großen Kurfürsten Reitermarsch,” Graf Cuno von Moltke, came from the same family which provided the commander who defeated France in 1870, and also the same fellow who dropped dead before the kaiser while wearing a ballerina’s costume), and of course the mentally handicapped were dispatched as “useless feeders.”

When one thinks of Nazis, one thinks of Jews.  Properly, by the way.

But the Jews were not the only victims of the Nazi genocide.  So also were the Gypsies, like the Jews the Eternal Other, the People Who Do Not Belong.  The people who wherever their camps were pitched were to that extent convenient objects to load up with blame for whatever misfortune happened to plague the neighborhood that year.  They died, but unlike the Jews they have had no wealthy, influential kinsmen in other lands to rub our noses in their degradation and death. 

Jewry’s dispersal, the Diaspora, was not only their curse but also their salvation.  To kill them all one must first lay hands upon them, and when they have sunk roots deep in the soil of the United States, which is quite capable and willing to dole out such ass-whippings as may be necessary to warn off the aspirations of ambitious princes (to borrow, imperfectly, from Gibbon), their complete eradication is not possible.  But the Gypsies didn’t come to the U.S.  They stayed in Europe.  Where Hitler found them.

Mourn them, as well as the other victims.  Promise their survivors that we will not stand aside once again.

Meet the New Boss &c. &c. &c.

True to his Chekist personal heritage, Putin arranges for contact with foreign NGOs to be punished as high treason and/or espionage, if those organizations “endanger the security of Russia.”  The existing law makes reference to the “external security” of the country; the new law ominously omits the foreign security nexus.

Russian politicians who are neither in Putin’s pocket nor frustrated latter-day Stalinists agree that the omission of the foreign security criterion will enable contact with foreign organizations which cause purely internal political problems to be classified as high treason and espionage.

Don’t think it will happen?  It has, already.  Most of the Red Army purges of 1937-38 were on the nominal basis of collaboration with foreign intelligence networks.  The Harbinisty, those Russians who had gone to live in China to work on the China branch line of the trans-Siberian railroad, were lured back home, only to be slaughtered almost to a man.  Their “crime”?  Acting as Japanese spies.  And on.  And on.  And on.  The allegation of foreign intelligence collaboration/agency was one of the NKVD’s top three charges to paste on an arrestee, right up there with “counter-revolutionary activity” and “counter-revolutionary agitation.”  Of course, the latter two also came with the “Trostkyite” sub-flavor.  And so forth.

And this is the fellow to whom Dear Leader has promised “more flexibility” after the November elections.

At Least Bismarck Labelled it Correctly

When he called his attempts to suppress the Catholic Church and its related organizations a “Kulturkampf.”  Nowadays we simply require the Roman Church, through its affiliate entities, to underwrite abortion, abortifacients, and birth control, and we call its opposition to being required to vomit up its beliefs a “war on women.”

This op-ed’s references to 1870-80s Imperial Germany is very timely, and the connection between that time and today is one that is not nearly adequately appreciated. Progressivism’s — in fact, “liberalism’s” — roots in fact do lie in a time and place which is most popularly understood as representing the very antithesis of those ideologies’ guiding principles.

Yet it is even so.  As Hayek pointed out in The Road to Serfdom, published in 1944 for a British audience, the British public conversations about “planning,” by which everyone understood centralized planning of as much of the economy as could be comprehended by government mandate, eerily mirrored the precise conversations that were current in Germany a generation and more before.  Hayek wrote, so he pointed out, precisely to warn the British public against the dangers of following down the German path.

Closer to home here, in Liberal Fascism, a book which remains interesting today, the introductory chapters, especially on Woodrow Wilson’s actual articulated ideas of government and its proper role in life, are filled with citations to his works and papers and their German antecedents.  Wilson has been sanctified in American history teaching largely for his 14 Points, and for his League of Nations idea.  His 14 Points turned out to be at best pious hogwash and at worst ticking time-bombs (remember it was his principle of “self-determination” that allowed the British and French to hand over the Sudetenland to Hitler in 1938 with a smirk of rationalization).  His League of Nations foundered, we are told, because the U.S. didn’t join.  Forgive me but I can’t see that the U.N. has done much to gloat over.  What has kept the the world from immolating itself for the past 70 years has not been a bunch of guys in New York who won’t pay a parking ticket; it’s been the U.S. military.  But it’s when you move past the Wilson hagiography that you get to some positions that are just well beyond the pale.  A vigorous support for governmental eugenics is only one.  His totalitarian vision of the state and his frustrations with that nasty ol’ Constitution are even more sobering.

[As an aside, Liberal Fascism remains a quaint artifact because it was so obviously written against Hillary Clinton’s campaign for the presidency, at a time when everyone just assumed she was the nominee.  I can’t recall that Dear Leader got much more than a collateral mention.]

Bismarck cynically used then-current theorizing about the state, its role, and the citizen’s role, combined with a ruthless divide-and-conquer strategy, for what seems to have been no greater ambition than to retain himself in power.  He threw bones to the socialists, in the form of social security, enacted in 1881, a full half-century-plus before the U.S.  He threw bones to the saber rattlers and imperialists in the form of huffing and shouting until Britain and France allowed Germany to take over a few thousand square miles of God-forsaken territory at the fringe of nowhere.  He threw bones to the officer class in the form of ever-increasing army appropriations.  He threw bones to the industrialists like Krupp in the form of buying up their armaments as fast as they could be produced.  But from a recent biography of him, the conclusion is pretty strong that for Bismarck it was about little more than fracturing the opposition to his personal dominance of European politics.

Bismarck even wrote the Imperial constitution to suit himself.  It was perfectly tailored for himself as Reichskanzler and the aged Wilhelm I, the soldier-king, as Kaiser.  In fact it worked, about as well as anything, while the two of them remained in place.  But it was precisely that point in which Bismarck revealed himself to be no statesman, but rather a megalomaniacal politician.  His constitution overlooked that one day he would no longer be Reichskanzler, and Wilhelm I no longer kaiser.  And sure enough, when his little puppy of a crown prince (whose warped view of the world and his place in it Bismarck had studiously fostered, back when it appeared that his father would be kaiser for a lengthy reign) ascended the throne, it wasn’t a decade before the system began to go off the rails.  Bismarck’s failure is in marked contrast to the wisdom of the men who sweated out the summer of 1787 in Philadelphia.  They wrote for the ages.  Over 225 years later their work endures, for exactly the reason that its strengths do not depend upon the strengths of any particular player, but rather are designed to check the failings of all potential players.

Back in the 1870s they called it an “Obrigkeitsstaat” — an authoritarian state.  Now we call it “hope” and “change.”  But the understanding of where we and our government fit into each other’s existence is vintage 1870s.  All of which highlights how close to the truth came the speaker (don’t have the book in front of me now and so I can’t give the name) who observed that America speaks in English, but it thinks in German.  It is no accident, no accident at all, that the same Dear Leader who on the one hand laments that America’s Founding Fathers didn’t draft a charter for expropriation and re-distribution also wholly accepts, so far as can be told from his actions and pronouncements, the Imperial German notions of the centrality of the state in society.

But Will He Call It “Peace in our Time”?

Fars News Agency is reporting that Dear Leader has “recognized” Iran’s “nuclear rights.”  What precisely that’s supposed to mean is not terribly clear from the article.  The article cites only a “parliamentary” source for the statement, but then again coming from a place like Iran I’d have to imagine that parliamentarians don’t just go talking out of school.

What is also interesting is the route by which this recognition was conveyed.  Apparently we handed the message to the Swiss (who attend to such affairs in Iran as the U.S. has left), who then passed it on.

There was also the quickly-denied and quietly-air-brushed report that Dear Leader is making good on his campaign pledge to pursue direct talks with Iran, without pre-conditions.

What gives?  It’s impossible for anyone with even a nodding familiarity with the history of Europe in the 1930s not to see the parallels between this developing situation and 1938.  Once Chamberlain and the French had conceded legitimacy to Germany’s demand for the Sudeten Germans, the game was effectively over.  Ceding the Sudetenland to Germany not only gave away Czechoslovakia’s principal line of defense; in fact it made the balance of the country indefensible.  The Sudeten Germans had never, ever, lived under a “German” ruler, or in a “German” state.  They’d always belonged to the Bohemian crown.  Their claim that they wanted to go “heim ins Reich” was as transparent a fraud as has ever been made.

But the fraud was enough for Chamberlain, who was desperate to do something, anything, rather than face down Hitler.  The French were likewise eager to suffer any indignity rather than man up and defend a country which was their formal ally (France had an actual treaty with Czechoslovakia which obliged it to come the latter’s defense; at least Britain wasn’t selling out an actual ally).  Grasping back to Wilson’s alleged principle of “self-determination,” they cynically sold out the one country bordering Hitler’s Germany that could have put a whipping on him.

The key point was reached when they conceded any legitimacy at all to the German claim.  Once you admit that the other guy is right, you really don’t have much to stand on publicly, other than expedience, and if you’ve conditioned  your public to perceive surrender as expedient, you’ve come to the end of the game.

Let’s be honest where Dear Leader has put us.  We have conceded the moral right to Iran to pursue nuclear weapons.  I’m sure that paragon of candor, Susan Rice, will assure us that the “rights” extend only to “peaceful uses,” such as nuclear power, but there is absolutely zero indication that any of Iran’s nuclear program has ever been oriented towards peaceful purposes.  Having made that concession, how do we appear before the Security Council and demand even the continuance, let alone the increase, in any sanction against Iran?  How?

Iran has announced, repeatedly, its intention to obliterate the state of Israel from the map.  We have now admitted its right to do so.  When you validate a man’s possession of a tool, how do you deny him the use of it, especially the use he has announced as his principal intended use?

Tonight we will have another “debate” between Dear Leader and Mitt Romney.  I do trust that whoever it is that puts words in Dear Leader’s mouth for him will not think “Peace in our Time” is a good campaign slogan to take into the final days of the race.

Nothing Like Hiding in Plain Sight

It’s remarkable, really, how up-front would-be totalitarians are about their goals.  Whatever can be said about its indigestibility as writing, Hitler was utterly frank in Mein Kampf about precisely what he intended to do.  He then went out and did it.  The Russian communists spelled out the terror they intended to unleash, and then did so.  And the Muslim Brotherhood, the outfit which occasions Dear Leader such “relief” that they’re finally in charge in Egypt, is equally forthcoming about where they’re headed.

From an article in yesterday’s The International, we read, “The MB is both a political and social movement that advocates moving away from secularism and toward a political and civil society that is organized by the principles outlined in the Qur’an, including the implementation of Shariah law.

“Louay M. Safi wrote an article for The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences in which he describes Shariah law as, ‘a comprehensive system encompassing the whole field of human experiences. It is not simply a legal system, but rather a composite system of law and morality.’

“Shariah law regulates and guides all aspects of life from politics and economics to personal issues of marriage, family, diet and hygiene and is meant to provide a guide for all things concerning morality.”

Got that?  It’s a “comprehensive system encompassing the whole field of human experiences.”  And “political and civil society” is to be “organized” according to its principles.  There’s a name for that, folks — totalitarianism.  I believe it was Solzhenitsyn who observed that in the Soviet Union even sleep became politicized.  Under Shariah, “all aspects of life from politics and economics to personal issues of marriage, family, diet and hygiene” are to be “regulated” by whatever someone else determines to be the law, based upon precepts articulated for a desert society of robber-shepherds 1,400 years ago.  Sandra Flake seems to believe that a third party refusing to pay for her birth control is just the World’s Most Intolerable Oppression of her and her lady parts; I’m sure she’d do so much better under Shariah.

We’re supposed to be reassured, though:  “Whilst emerging as a political force in the Islamic world, the Muslim Brotherhood has also actively engaged in a number of public works and charity projects. They have run banks, schools, hospitals, social clubs and facilities for the disabled, while at the same time adhering to principles of transparency and accountability.”  Repeat after me, chillerns:  Autobahnen; Kraft durch Freude; Winterhilfe; Bund deutscher Mädel, Hitlerjugend.  Shirer has an entire chapter on the nazification of everyday German life in the 1930s.  The Soviets likewise “engaged in a number of public works projects,” like the Baltic-White Sea Canal, a.k.a. Belomor, which cost only several hundred thousand lives, and no one could run banks, schools, hospitals, and social clubs quite like the NKVD.  Why, they even had an entire sub-system within Gulag for children, including children born in the camps.  Isn’t that heart-warming?

We’re also comforted to find out that the Brotherhood is committed to attaining power through the trappings of democratic processes.  We are not encouraged to recall that Hitler was the lawfully appointed and serving Reichskanzler, and the Ermächtigungsgesetz — the Enabling Act — which handed over more or less unbridled power to him, was a lawfully enacted statute, permitted by their constitution.  How’d that work out, again?

This is the outfit whose ascendancy our current administration applauds.  This is the outfit one of whose leading families has now placed a member — a family member who was actively engaged in the Brotherhood’s American propaganda arm — at the right hand of the Secretary of State.

But don’t worry, ladies.  This election is about how them Rethuglicans is a-comin’ after your lady parts.